Let's pretend for one moment that he does die before the election, just for the funsies. What happens then? Will the nomination revert to option number 2, aka Bernie Sanders? Or will his running mate automatically replace him just the way Vice-President is supposted to step in after the Big Man in the White House chokes on a piece of matzo? Does he even have a running mate yet?
US Joe Biden News Megathread - The Other Biden Derangement Syndrome Thread (with a side order of Fauci Derangement Syndrome)
- Thread starter Borscht
- Start date
- Joined
- May 6, 2019
While @Crabouse-united provides a good idea, I will disagree and say it comes down to something far more basic.
The "Religious Right".
Now, when I type that I need you to ignore the modern evangelicals, and instead hear in your head ominous organ music and thunder.
With the mood thus set, let's explain why. It's no great surprise to say that the real religious right does have some issues with the gays. The Democrats long ago latched onto this, dialing the threat they posed up to 11 to ensure that gays sincerely believe the religious right actively wants to kill them. You then have these people grow up in a culture that they are installed to believe actively hates them for what they are, you add in some very real reactions of rejection, a dash of Westboro Baptist Church, and you get in the end a group of people who have a hard, instinctive knee jerk hatred of the right that bypasses all reason.
With that bypass install, you just try to paper over the many barbarities of Islam and create in that person the idea that it's actually alright, courtesy of the many people they trust all saying so. This person then, when confronted with reality, experiences extreme cognitive dissonance that inevitably roots in that knee-jerk reaction. The end result is this:
1: Trusted Person says Islam is okay.
2: The Religious Right says that Islam is bad.
3: Therefore, Islam is okay.
<Insert Information about real Islam>
4: Evidence says Islam is bad.
5: But Stage 3 conclusion exists.
6: Cannot agree with Religious Right nor accept Trusted Person actually lied.
7: Total thought termination.
- Joined
- Feb 6, 2018
I meant in behavior and culture, not phenotype. Russkis barely. qualify too, for that matter. Hell, look at Assad and you could barely tell him apart from some Romanian or Greek fucker.
- Joined
- Sep 10, 2021
lmfao
archive.md
Ann Coulter on Twitter: "Final point on the great Bob Dole. I hope he…
archived 6 Dec 2021 15:07:21 UTC
Oxous
kiwifarms.net
- Joined
- Aug 3, 2021
Man, who did Kamala piss off now? There are rather specific claims being presented in this article.
A Kamala Harris staff exodus reignites questions about her leadership style — and her future ambitions
(archive)
The rumors started circulating in July: Vice President Harris’s staff was wilting in a dysfunctional and frustrated office, burned out just a few months after her historic swearing-in and pondering exit strategies. A few days later, Harris hosted an all-staff party at her official residence, where most of her office bit into hamburgers and posted pictures of smiling, congenial co-workers on Twitter, pixelated counterpoints to the narrative of an office in shambles.
“Let me tell you about these burgers at the VP’s residence!!” chief Harris spokesperson Symone Sanders gushed in a tweet. “The food was good and the people were amazing.” Her official defense against reports of staff unrest was more searing. She called people who lobbed criticism behind nameless quotes “cowards” and stressed that working for a groundbreaking vice president was a difficult job, but not a dehumanizing one. “We are not making rainbows and bunnies all day,” she told one outlet. “What I hear is that people have hard jobs and I’m like ‘welcome to the club.’ ”
Five months later, Sanders is leaving the vice president’s office, the highest-profile member of an end-of-year exodus that includes communications chief Ashley Etienne and two other staffers who help shape the vice president’s public image. Sanders told The Washington Post her departure is not due to any unhappiness or dysfunction, but rather because she is ready for a break after three years of the relentless pressure that came with speaking for and advising Biden and Harris while navigating a global pandemic.
But the quartet of soon-to-be-empty desks reignited questions about why Harris churns through top-level Democratic staff, an issue that has colored her nearly 18 years in public service, including her historic but uneven first year as vice president. Now, those questions about her management extend to whether it will hamper her ability to seek and manage the presidency.
Critics scattered over two decades point to an inconsistent and at times degrading principal who burns through seasoned staff members who have succeeded in other demanding, high-profile positions. People used to putting aside missteps, sacrificing sleep and enduring the occasional tirade from an irate boss say doing so under Harris can be particularly difficult, as she has struggled to make progress on her vice-presidential portfolio or measure up to the potential that has many pegging her as the future of the Democratic Party.
“One of the things we’ve said in our little text groups among each other is what is the common denominator through all this and it’s her,” said Gil Duran, a former Democratic strategist and aide to Harris who quit after five months working for her in 2013. In a recent column, he said she’s repeating “the same old destructive patterns.”
“Who are the next talented people you’re going to bring in and burn through and then have (them) pretend they’re retiring for positive reasons,” he told The Post.
The Washington Post spoke with 18 people connected to Harris for this story, including former and current staffers, West Wing officials and other supporters and critics. Some spoke on the condition of anonymity to be more candid about a sensitive topic. The vice president’s office declined to address questions about Harris’s leadership style.
Her defenders say the criticism against her is often steeped in the same racism and sexism that have followed a woman who has been a first in every job she’s done over the past two decades. Her selection as President Biden’s vice president, they say, makes her a bigger target because many see her as the heir apparent to the oldest president in the nation’s history. They also say Harris faces the brunt of a double standard for women who are ambitious, powerful or simply unafraid to appear strong in public.
Sean Clegg, a partner at Bearstar Strategies, the political consultancy that has advised many prominent California politicians, including an ascendant Harris, conceded that she can be a tough boss, but that she is not an abusive one.
“She has put me personally in the position of feeling like Jeff Sessions,” he said, referring to Harris’s sharp questioning of the former attorney general under president Donald Trump about Russian interference in the 2016 election. Sessions said her question made him feel rushed, which, he said, “makes me nervous.”
But Clegg, who started working for Harris in 2008, said there is a difference between a tough boss and one who excoriates staff.
“People personalize these things,” he continued. “I’ve never had an experience in my long history with Kamala, where I felt like she was unfair. Has she called bulls---? Yes. And does that make people uncomfortable sometimes? Yes. But if she were a man with her management style, she would have a TV show called ‘The Apprentice.' ”
Staffers who worked for Harris before she was vice president said one consistent problem was that Harris would refuse to wade into briefing materials prepared by staff members, then berate employees when she appeared unprepared.
“It’s clear that you’re not working with somebody who is willing to do the prep and the work,” one former staffer said.
“With Kamala you have to put up with a constant amount of soul-destroying criticism and also her own lack of confidence. So you’re constantly sort of propping up a bully and it’s not really clear why.”
For both critics and supporters, the question is not simply where Harris falls on the line between demanding and demeaning. Many worry that her inability to keep and retain staff will hobble her future ambitions.
The vice president entered the White House with few longtime staffers. Among the senior staff in her vice-presidential office, only two had worked for her before last year: Rohini Kosoglu, Harris’s top domestic policy adviser and her former Senate chief of staff, and Josh Hsu, counsel to the vice president and former Senate deputy chief of staff.
By contrast, President Biden remains surrounded by staff who have been allied with him for large swaths of his five-decade career. The three men who served as chief of staff when he was vice president — Ron Klain, Bruce Reed and Steve Ricchetti — all work in the West Wing in senior roles. Even much of Biden’s communications team when he served as vice president now serve as the core of the White House communications office.
Several of Harris’s former top aides are in senior roles in the administration — they just don’t work for her. Julie Chávez Rodríguez, who worked in Harris’s Senate office before becoming her traveling chief of staff on her presidential campaign, is the director of the White House Office of Intergovernmental Affairs, and Emmy Ruiz, a senior adviser on the campaign, is the White House director of political strategy and outreach.
White House officials argue it’s not unusual that staff would depart at the one-year mark and note there will probably be exits from the West Wing as well.
“In my experience, and if you look at past precedent, it’s natural for staffers who have thrown their heart and soul into a job to be ready to move on to a new challenge after a few years,” White House spokeswoman Jen Psaki said at Thursday’s press briefing. “And that is applicable to many of these individuals. It’s also an opportunity, as it is in any White House, to bring in new faces, new voices and new perspectives.”
Still, the quartet of announced departures were all for jobs that helped shape the vice president’s image to the American people — important roles for one of the nation’s most closely watched politicians, one whose first year missteps have been picked apart in the public eye.
As Harris looks for a new communications director and press secretary, several of her former communications aides are working in top roles at government agencies: Lily Adams, her former campaign and Senate communications director, works at the Treasury Department; Rebecca Chalif, her deputy communications director on the campaign, now works as the director of press at the U.S. Agency for International Development; Ian Sams, national press secretary for Harris’s campaign, and Kirsten Allen, deputy national press secretary, are at the Department of Health and Human Services.
But the loss of Sanders is the biggest blow. During a 2020 presidential campaign during which the country struggled to address racial inequality and unrest, she was a frequent defender of Biden’s dubious statements and previous missteps on race. She often took the lead on persuading crucial demographics outraged at systemic racism that Biden’s administration would usher in something better. She was an early go-between connecting Biden’s campaign to George Floyd’s family. And as Harris’s chief spokeswoman, she called out racism and sexism in defense of the first woman of color to hold a nationally elected office.
On cable news and in late-night conversations with reporters, Sanders deflected criticism that Harris hasn’t done enough to address the issues in her portfolio.
While Harris’s reputation is connected to those issues, both her supporters and critics acknowledge that her ability to solve problems is limited by the political capital Biden is willing to expend. Biden, for example, has been reluctant to support wholesale changes to the Senate filibuster, something that would be required to make meaningful progress on immigration reform or voting rights in the current Senate makeup.
In March, Biden asked Harris to address the root causes of migration from the “Northern Triangle” countries of Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador, but critics have tried to brand Harris as Biden’s border czar and tie her to chaos at the United States’ southern border.
Her first international trip — to Guatemala and Mexico as part of an effort to address the root causes of migration — was marked by an exchange with NBC News’s Lester Holt in which she awkwardly said she would go to the U.S. border with Mexico — something Republicans and other critics had been calling for her to do for some time.
And activists have expressed frustration that Harris asked to be put in charge of the issue of voting rights, then made little meaningful change in one year of the Biden presidency.
Sanders has been by Harris’s side through almost all of those controversies, briefing her before important interviews, smoothing things over after missteps.
In an interview, Sanders said her departure wasn’t related to displeasure with the office. She wanted a new challenge but would not detail what, if any future career plans she has.
“I’ve been with the president since before he announced his run for president. I staffed him on the road. I traveled with him for nearly two years and during that time, there were days when on Monday I would get on a plane with Joe Biden. And then the plane would land in Delaware I would drive from Delaware to Washington DC. And Tuesday morning, I would be on a plane with Kamala Harris,” she said.
“I’m getting married next year. I would like to plan my wedding. You know, I have earned a break. So me deciding that I’m leaving has absolutely nothing to do with my unhappiness. I feel honored every single day to work for the vice president who gave me an opportunity to be her spokesperson at the highest levels.”
The rumors started circulating in July: Vice President Harris’s staff was wilting in a dysfunctional and frustrated office, burned out just a few months after her historic swearing-in and pondering exit strategies. A few days later, Harris hosted an all-staff party at her official residence, where most of her office bit into hamburgers and posted pictures of smiling, congenial co-workers on Twitter, pixelated counterpoints to the narrative of an office in shambles.
“Let me tell you about these burgers at the VP’s residence!!” chief Harris spokesperson Symone Sanders gushed in a tweet. “The food was good and the people were amazing.” Her official defense against reports of staff unrest was more searing. She called people who lobbed criticism behind nameless quotes “cowards” and stressed that working for a groundbreaking vice president was a difficult job, but not a dehumanizing one. “We are not making rainbows and bunnies all day,” she told one outlet. “What I hear is that people have hard jobs and I’m like ‘welcome to the club.’ ”
Five months later, Sanders is leaving the vice president’s office, the highest-profile member of an end-of-year exodus that includes communications chief Ashley Etienne and two other staffers who help shape the vice president’s public image. Sanders told The Washington Post her departure is not due to any unhappiness or dysfunction, but rather because she is ready for a break after three years of the relentless pressure that came with speaking for and advising Biden and Harris while navigating a global pandemic.
But the quartet of soon-to-be-empty desks reignited questions about why Harris churns through top-level Democratic staff, an issue that has colored her nearly 18 years in public service, including her historic but uneven first year as vice president. Now, those questions about her management extend to whether it will hamper her ability to seek and manage the presidency.
Critics scattered over two decades point to an inconsistent and at times degrading principal who burns through seasoned staff members who have succeeded in other demanding, high-profile positions. People used to putting aside missteps, sacrificing sleep and enduring the occasional tirade from an irate boss say doing so under Harris can be particularly difficult, as she has struggled to make progress on her vice-presidential portfolio or measure up to the potential that has many pegging her as the future of the Democratic Party.
“One of the things we’ve said in our little text groups among each other is what is the common denominator through all this and it’s her,” said Gil Duran, a former Democratic strategist and aide to Harris who quit after five months working for her in 2013. In a recent column, he said she’s repeating “the same old destructive patterns.”
“Who are the next talented people you’re going to bring in and burn through and then have (them) pretend they’re retiring for positive reasons,” he told The Post.
The Washington Post spoke with 18 people connected to Harris for this story, including former and current staffers, West Wing officials and other supporters and critics. Some spoke on the condition of anonymity to be more candid about a sensitive topic. The vice president’s office declined to address questions about Harris’s leadership style.
Her defenders say the criticism against her is often steeped in the same racism and sexism that have followed a woman who has been a first in every job she’s done over the past two decades. Her selection as President Biden’s vice president, they say, makes her a bigger target because many see her as the heir apparent to the oldest president in the nation’s history. They also say Harris faces the brunt of a double standard for women who are ambitious, powerful or simply unafraid to appear strong in public.
Sean Clegg, a partner at Bearstar Strategies, the political consultancy that has advised many prominent California politicians, including an ascendant Harris, conceded that she can be a tough boss, but that she is not an abusive one.
“She has put me personally in the position of feeling like Jeff Sessions,” he said, referring to Harris’s sharp questioning of the former attorney general under president Donald Trump about Russian interference in the 2016 election. Sessions said her question made him feel rushed, which, he said, “makes me nervous.”
But Clegg, who started working for Harris in 2008, said there is a difference between a tough boss and one who excoriates staff.
“People personalize these things,” he continued. “I’ve never had an experience in my long history with Kamala, where I felt like she was unfair. Has she called bulls---? Yes. And does that make people uncomfortable sometimes? Yes. But if she were a man with her management style, she would have a TV show called ‘The Apprentice.' ”
Staffers who worked for Harris before she was vice president said one consistent problem was that Harris would refuse to wade into briefing materials prepared by staff members, then berate employees when she appeared unprepared.
“It’s clear that you’re not working with somebody who is willing to do the prep and the work,” one former staffer said.
“With Kamala you have to put up with a constant amount of soul-destroying criticism and also her own lack of confidence. So you’re constantly sort of propping up a bully and it’s not really clear why.”
For both critics and supporters, the question is not simply where Harris falls on the line between demanding and demeaning. Many worry that her inability to keep and retain staff will hobble her future ambitions.
The vice president entered the White House with few longtime staffers. Among the senior staff in her vice-presidential office, only two had worked for her before last year: Rohini Kosoglu, Harris’s top domestic policy adviser and her former Senate chief of staff, and Josh Hsu, counsel to the vice president and former Senate deputy chief of staff.
By contrast, President Biden remains surrounded by staff who have been allied with him for large swaths of his five-decade career. The three men who served as chief of staff when he was vice president — Ron Klain, Bruce Reed and Steve Ricchetti — all work in the West Wing in senior roles. Even much of Biden’s communications team when he served as vice president now serve as the core of the White House communications office.
Several of Harris’s former top aides are in senior roles in the administration — they just don’t work for her. Julie Chávez Rodríguez, who worked in Harris’s Senate office before becoming her traveling chief of staff on her presidential campaign, is the director of the White House Office of Intergovernmental Affairs, and Emmy Ruiz, a senior adviser on the campaign, is the White House director of political strategy and outreach.
White House officials argue it’s not unusual that staff would depart at the one-year mark and note there will probably be exits from the West Wing as well.
“In my experience, and if you look at past precedent, it’s natural for staffers who have thrown their heart and soul into a job to be ready to move on to a new challenge after a few years,” White House spokeswoman Jen Psaki said at Thursday’s press briefing. “And that is applicable to many of these individuals. It’s also an opportunity, as it is in any White House, to bring in new faces, new voices and new perspectives.”
Still, the quartet of announced departures were all for jobs that helped shape the vice president’s image to the American people — important roles for one of the nation’s most closely watched politicians, one whose first year missteps have been picked apart in the public eye.
As Harris looks for a new communications director and press secretary, several of her former communications aides are working in top roles at government agencies: Lily Adams, her former campaign and Senate communications director, works at the Treasury Department; Rebecca Chalif, her deputy communications director on the campaign, now works as the director of press at the U.S. Agency for International Development; Ian Sams, national press secretary for Harris’s campaign, and Kirsten Allen, deputy national press secretary, are at the Department of Health and Human Services.
But the loss of Sanders is the biggest blow. During a 2020 presidential campaign during which the country struggled to address racial inequality and unrest, she was a frequent defender of Biden’s dubious statements and previous missteps on race. She often took the lead on persuading crucial demographics outraged at systemic racism that Biden’s administration would usher in something better. She was an early go-between connecting Biden’s campaign to George Floyd’s family. And as Harris’s chief spokeswoman, she called out racism and sexism in defense of the first woman of color to hold a nationally elected office.
On cable news and in late-night conversations with reporters, Sanders deflected criticism that Harris hasn’t done enough to address the issues in her portfolio.
While Harris’s reputation is connected to those issues, both her supporters and critics acknowledge that her ability to solve problems is limited by the political capital Biden is willing to expend. Biden, for example, has been reluctant to support wholesale changes to the Senate filibuster, something that would be required to make meaningful progress on immigration reform or voting rights in the current Senate makeup.
In March, Biden asked Harris to address the root causes of migration from the “Northern Triangle” countries of Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador, but critics have tried to brand Harris as Biden’s border czar and tie her to chaos at the United States’ southern border.
Her first international trip — to Guatemala and Mexico as part of an effort to address the root causes of migration — was marked by an exchange with NBC News’s Lester Holt in which she awkwardly said she would go to the U.S. border with Mexico — something Republicans and other critics had been calling for her to do for some time.
And activists have expressed frustration that Harris asked to be put in charge of the issue of voting rights, then made little meaningful change in one year of the Biden presidency.
Sanders has been by Harris’s side through almost all of those controversies, briefing her before important interviews, smoothing things over after missteps.
In an interview, Sanders said her departure wasn’t related to displeasure with the office. She wanted a new challenge but would not detail what, if any future career plans she has.
“I’ve been with the president since before he announced his run for president. I staffed him on the road. I traveled with him for nearly two years and during that time, there were days when on Monday I would get on a plane with Joe Biden. And then the plane would land in Delaware I would drive from Delaware to Washington DC. And Tuesday morning, I would be on a plane with Kamala Harris,” she said.
“I’m getting married next year. I would like to plan my wedding. You know, I have earned a break. So me deciding that I’m leaving has absolutely nothing to do with my unhappiness. I feel honored every single day to work for the vice president who gave me an opportunity to be her spokesperson at the highest levels.”
- Joined
- Sep 10, 2021
Biden’s plan for a ‘no drama’ December
It’s a long December and Biden wants reason to believe that maybe this month will have less drama than the last.
- Joined
- Apr 30, 2016
Points for the Counting Crows reference, but the only way this administration is getting a drama-free December is if Congress goes on holiday within the next week and everyone collectively goes into hiding until the new year.
- Joined
- Jul 19, 2020
Ah, so *thats* why they want to make omicron such a freakout. Get everyone into their basements ASAP, we need a press win.
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- Jun 6, 2020
Oh so now you decide to be based!lmfao
View attachment 2778378
Ann Coulter on Twitter: "Final point on the great Bob Dole. I hope he…
archived 6 Dec 2021 15:07:21 UTC
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- Nov 12, 2019
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- Dec 16, 2019
Oh I cant wait to hear the claimed reason for this.
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- Nov 12, 2019
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- Dec 17, 2019
Sounds like an attempt to bog down Trump's media venture in bureaucratic red tape. I don't see it succeeding in stopping him like they think it will: Trump often gets around this nonsense with nothing to hide. It's why they couldn't get him on the Steele Dossier nor association with Jeffrey Epstein.
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- Jun 6, 2020
Again Biden or whoever is trying to go after a political rival social media platform. Totally not a authoritative. I don't think it will go anywhere through
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- Nov 12, 2019
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- Jul 17, 2019
Always was. Trump not being an "Uber based Conservative force" just broke her; we're at day 15XX of her sperging and seething over the incomplete wall, that's neither a shitty fence nor less than 100 miles built.
Billy Beer
kiwifarms.net
- Joined
- Apr 23, 2021
ELI5 on what this means?
Only A Retard Sometimes
kiwifarms.net
- Joined
- Feb 17, 2021
Hmmmm, its almost like Russia is expecting this and will respond with a gold backed ruble. the Russians (2100 tons) and Chinese (1900 tons) have been buying gold in large numbers. in fact most nations are starting to hoard gold. execpt canada. Trudeau sold all their gold.
the top 10:
| Nation | Tons of gold in reserve | |
| 1 | 
| 8,133.5 |
| 2 | 
| 3,359.1 |
| — | International Monetary Fund | 2,814.0 |
| 3 | 
| 2,451.8 |
| 4 | 
| 2,436.4 |
| 5 | 
| 2,298.5 |
| 6 | 
| 1,948.3 |
| 7 | 
| 1,040.0 |
| 8 | 
| 846.0 |
| 9 | 
| 744.8 |
| 10 | 
| 612.5 |
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- Apr 30, 2016
You know how payment processors frequently intervened with service providers to have Null removed from them for hosting KF? That, but SWIFT is the payment processor basically all the banks use. So it'd effectively cut off Russia from a huge section of the world economy.
I swear I read a few years back that the Russians were already moving off of SWIFT in conjunction with Iran, China and Turkey precisely because of prior saber-rattling like this from the American government. Maybe this is them being kicked out entirely instead of leaving on their own to develop alternative systems? Not sure.
Only A Retard Sometimes
kiwifarms.net
- Joined
- Feb 17, 2021
it not only cuts the government off but all the Russian banks too. they have SPFS which is their domestic SWIFT but i dont know if it could take up the slack.
- Joined
- Nov 12, 2019
be a great power move if putin says they will & it works.
or this was already planned for.
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