Dutertopia-DU30 thread - Containment

Since there's a lot of stuff on the current president of the Philippines, we should put them here. He encourages people to kill drug addicts, told Obama to go to hell and likens himself to Hitler

Here an article about this guy


http://www.esquiremag.ph/politics/duterte-100-days-dutertopia-a1515-20161007-lfrm3

POLITICS
100 Days in Dutertopia
by CLINTON PALANCA | 4 DAYS AGO
13.6K Shares

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Duterte100days000MAIN_main.jpg

ILLUSTRATOR Warren Espejo


The most popular president in living memory has just passed his first milestone. What the first three months has revealed about Duterte as a leader, and about us as a nation, is truly frightening.



* * *

How long must we go on being outraged? This is not a rhetorical question: being outraged is hard work. We wake up in the morning, check our social media feeds, check the news, read the comments sections. Our blood begins to boil. We feel rage, frustration, and helplessness. But the day’s work must be done, and so we put our feelings on the back burner and go about our business, until something else—the futility of sitting in traffic, the mendacity of the clerks at the post office, the indignity of being sideswiped by a black SUV bristling with bumper stickers declaring their love of guns and allegiance to the new president—reminds us that we now live in Dutertopia. If the Japanese have kaizen, the philosophy of continuous improvement, we have the opposite, whatever it is called: things just get worse every day.

The news is not good. At the top of the list are the extrajudicial killings, often abbreviated snazzily as “EJK,” which makes it sound harmless, like a medical condition. But to press a point, ours is a country without a death penalty, so there is no such thing as a judicial killing. These are murders, pure and simple. They continue, every day; many news outlets have been keeping a running tally. This, and other aspects of Mr. Duterte’s obsession with drugs and drug addicts in general, are chilling. He has said, during the State of the Nation address, no less, that methamphetamine addicts have shrunken brains and are beyond rehabilitation. Drug addicts, furthermore, are “contagious” and turn into pushers who get their friends hooked on drugs. Photos of overcrowded prisons have started to circulate, which further bolsters his solution: to simply kill them, like carriers of a plague.

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ILLUSTRATOR Warren Espejo


The news is not good. At the top of the list are the extrajudicial killings, often abbreviated snazzily as “EJK,” which makes it sound harmless, like a medical condition. These are murders, pure and simple. They continue, every day.

We tend to think that our friends think like us: that’s why they’re our friends, after all. So when intelligent, kind, generous people, with whom we have shared many meals and laughter, declare that they are not just okay with the new politics of violence, but that it’s good for the country, we can’t help but feel betrayed. It’s like discovering that they believe the world is flat. And then we begin to discover that more people than we think believe that this president is a great man, and that what he is doing is beneficial and the sight of a dead “drug lord” is a beautiful thing. This is the point at which we begin to wonder if we’re the only sane people left in the country, and whether the walls of the madhouse are to hold us in or keep the world outside.

This is the dark side of our people’s ability to quickly form collective movements; 30 years ago the empathetic euphoria took on a dictator, successfully, and was given the term “People Power.” It is the same ability to convince ourselves and others that gave a candidate, who won with less than 40 percent of the official vote, the mandate of a 91 percent trust rating in a survey done shortly after his proclamation.

And then we begin to discover that more people than we think believe that this president is a great man, and that what he is doing is beneficial and the sight of a dead “drug lord” is a beautiful thing. This is the point at which we begin to wonder if we’re the only sane people left in the country, and whether the walls of the madhouse are to hold us in or keep the world outside.

Even by the standards of a newly elected president, these are high numbers. The presidential communications team has had no hesitation in trumpeting these numbers to their advantage, nor in casting detractors as an #EnemyofChange. (The coming polling numbers in October is likely to bring a less buoyant vision, but the more ardent supporters can be somewhat selective in their choice of which facts to highlight.)

Since then, Mr. Duterte has parlayed his political capital into a public acceptance of his war on drugs; he has overcome formidable resistance both in government and in the populace to allow Marcos’s burial in the National Heroes’ Cemetery; and he’s begun a process of charter change that would break the Philippines up into self-governing states (i.e., federalism) and change the government to a parliamentary system, albeit one with an elected president. He has also goaded the military to try and come at him with a coup d’etat, threatened to impose Martial Law in response to a rebuke by the Supreme Court, and called the U.S. ambassador a putangina on public television.

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ILLUSTRATOR Warren Espejo


At a certain point all the handwringing eventually peters away, because our wrists are exhausted; all the keyboard warriors stop typing because their fingers are numb; all the voices of dissent stop shouting because there’s no one shouting with them.

Fewer people (than one would have thought) are disturbed by this. At a rally against the Marcos burial only a few thousand—reported by the New York Times as “hundreds”—showed up, an embarrassingly poor showing that further weakened the opposition. At a certain point all the handwringing eventually peters away, because our wrists are exhausted; all the keyboard warriors stop typing because their fingers are numb; all the voices of dissent stop shouting because there’s no one shouting with them.

This gradual acceptance of the status quo is a slow plummet to the bottom. Only automatons can go on without a break; only true zealots don’t stop to question themselves. We begin to wonder if popular wisdom has been right all along. Perhaps this really is what the country needs. Human rights are for sissies and the squeamish, and a purge is a necessary sacrifi ce to rid the country of the twin vices of drugs and corruption. We have been blind, so blind all along, to how China and the previous administration was turning this country into a narco-state. It’s probably just rival gangs offing one another, so even if it’s bloody it’ll be the good guys who are left standing. The US and other prim finger-wagging first world countries know nothing of the realities of our grinding poverty and the grim reality of drug use that have broken up families and turned good men into murderers.

This gradual acceptance of the status quo is a slow plummet to the bottom.Only automatons can go on without a break; only true zealots don’t stop to question themselves.

When frustration and futility turn to indifference, the self-justification starts to kick in. Look, Marcos’s body isn’t even a body, it’s just a wax figurine, and it’s all just symbolic, after all. Let it be done, so we can get on with our lives. Allow the president his personal obsession if he can deliver on his promises to instill the fear of God in the predatory government bureaux who make our lives hell. Maybe he’ll even succeed, and heaven knows, there is nothing to like about crystal meth. This is change worth pursuing. How wonderful, how blissful it feels to surrender, to stop fi ghting it, to accept the premises of Dutertopia. It feels, ironically, like letting morphine course through the body: no more anger, no more frustration, let daddy take care of things. He’s on your side and he’ll keep the bad people away.

In a warped, oddball way, this is finally the idea-based politics that the Philippines has been lacking. We don’t actually have a divide between Democrat and Republican, between Liberal and Conservative, between far-right and socialist. Yes, our parties do have platforms, perfunctorily, but our election politics is largely personality-based. But the main fault line in our democracy is the polarization between people who believe in government institutions who operate within a system of checks and balances, and those who believe in a more efficient, autocratic, authoritarian system of government. And the failure of institutions during the previous administration has swung the pendulum toward authoritarianism.

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ILLUSTRATOR Warren Espejo


They are unable to understand that opposition is an integral part of how running a country works, and that those who disagree are just as much patriots as them, and simply see a different path out of the woods.

To a certain extent I understand the supporters of Mr. Duterte. Most of them want the same things that I do: safe streets, trains that run on time, and a sense of sovereignty. They believe in the “Singapore model” of discipline, order, and hierarchical leadership. I could even come to an agreement with them on some points if only Mr. Duterte’s administration were not one of such grinding stupidity, and his tactics so bullying, and his most outspoken supporters so vile. They are unable to understand that opposition is an integral part of how running a country works, and that those who disagree are just as much patriots as them, and simply see a different path out of the woods.

Instead of debate and dialogue, disagreement and dissent are dealt with using the tactics of the schoolground bully: threats, sometimes carried out, of physical harm, rape, murder. Online, they engage in the worst possible behavior, swarming the feeds and accounts of their dissenters with ad hominem attacks; they use lies and half-truths to fuel their arguments, and they are impervious to considering opposing views. “So what are you going to do about it? Oh, are you going to cry? Go on, run to the Commission on Human Rights, run to the UN and hide behind their skirts.”

But why would they act otherwise, when their hero employs these tactics himself and carries himself with sarcastic braggadocio and channels Hugo Chavez in his dealings with diplomats, when he lashes out at critics by calling out their personal lives. Worryingly, he has alienated the Philippines’ biggest strategic ally, the United States, not just by insulting their president, but forgoing important bilateral talks in a childish sulk. He has also lashed out at the UN and the EU for daring to criticize the effectiveness and methods of his drug war.

But why would they act otherwise, when their hero employs these tactics himself and carries himself with sarcastic braggadocio and channels Hugo Chavez in his dealings with diplomats, when he lashes out at critics by calling out their personal lives.

In every conflict it is worth looking for the humanity in one’s adversaries, and I would like to think that most of Mr. Duterte’s supporters are people who have the country’s best interests at heart, but see a different, darker, harsher form of government than the one I want. At the far end of the spectrum are the trolls and extremists, rumored to be paid to use social media to attack, but perhaps—and I’m honestly not sure which is worse—not paid, and simply hateful people dripping with vitriol and willing to stoop to the lowest depths of dirty trickery and foul language to keep dissenters in line. At the moment there is simply no communication going on between the factions of those who support the president and his administration, and those who are critical of it. To even dare raise objections gets one labeled as an “enemy of change,” and are punished by online shaming and harassment—and they are no less hurtful for being online.

For those who support the president and his methods, I must ask: Where is your moral compass? Where is your basic sense of decency and humanity? Do you believe that the end justifies the means? Because if so then I have news for you: This is not the story arc of a television show. There is no end in politics: it goes on and on and turns into history. The various means available to do things: the way we build a society, the way we disagree, the way we choose to solve problems; these are all we have.

He is a bully and a narcissist; he has no regard for human life and basic morality; his obsession with the war on drugs precludes his involvement in other pressing internal and external matters that bore him and will be delegated to the incompetent or the corrupt; and he brings out the worst in both his supporters and his detractors. He is simply the wrong man for the job, and even his most fanatic devotees should pause for a moment and check in with their humanity at the most basic level.

Those of us who believe that government should be run as a set of institutions that collide because they must, and impose checks and balances against one another can very well see the merits of the opposing point of view that a single strong leader with a compliant government could work in certain circumstances, with the right person.

But Mr. Duterte is not that person. Even as he reaches his first 100 days, this is patently obvious. He is a bully and a narcissist; he has no regard for human life and basic morality; his obsession with the war on drugs precludes his involvement in other pressing internal and external matters that bore him and will be delegated to the incompetent or the corrupt; and he brings out the worst in both his supporters and his detractors. He is simply the wrong man for the job, and even his most fanatic devotees should pause for a moment and check in with their humanity at the most basic level.

Worryingly, while the outraged middle classes are busy being aghast at the incivility of it all, and fighting ideological battles about the Marcos burial, he has quietly been amassing more power for himself. His first executive order as president is a reorganization of the Executive Department that creates a narrow hierarchy with one of his closest aides at the top. He has proposed a tenfold increase in the budget of the Office of the President. He has also asked Congress to sign off on a fuller reorganization act of the various bureaux and departments of the government—an alarming proposition, given his alliances and intents. This has happened only four times in the past: 1935, 1946, 1972, and 1987; if you think about those dates closely you will understand the kind of sea change that is imminent. And not least of all, hovering over all of this, is his plan to move toward a federal and parliamentary system of government; again, I am open to the idea, but under different circumstances: this is not the right time, and this is not the right man.

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ILLUSTRATOR Warren Espejo


Worryingly, while the outraged middle classes are busy being aghast at the incivility of it all, and fighting ideological battles about the Marcos burial, he has quietly been amassing more power for himself.

The popularity of the president and the willingness of his supporters to abandon common sense and openness to debate and dissent has become a magnet for a power play among the political elite that will change the landscape of Philippine politics for generations. The most obvious is, of course, the move toward a dictatorship; this will not be opposed by the majority of the politicians as long as they have a seat at the table. The ousting of Leila de Lima as justice committee chairperson in the Senate proves that Mr. Duterte and the oligarchic coalition behind him have the numbers for it.

More importantly, he has if not the support, then at least the consent, of the people. Through a clever use of propaganda, fake news, appeals to emotion, distortion of facts, and simply making things too confusing for people to follow and understand, there is popular support for authoriarian rule. It is amazing how quickly things have moved: we are just approaching the new president’s first 100 days, and Dutertopia is already here. Was our democracy so weak, that it be so easily felled in one quick blow? Was our resentment at the elite so strong and so easily channeled? Are we so blind, so easily swayed by rhetoric of violence, so easily cowed, so quick to fall in line and obey?

Through a clever use of propaganda, fake news, appeals to emotion, distortion of facts, and simply making things too confusing for people to follow and understand, there is popular support for authoriarian rule.

How long, then, must we go on being outraged? How long before we act? We can take it lying down, or we can take it on our knees; either way, we’ll be screwed, just in a different way. The only way not to be is to be on our feet and fighting; but the opposition is scarce and scraggly, we don’t have the numbers, and we don’t have a leader behind whom we can rally. The safest recourse is to wait, and make feeble protests, the kind we make when someone else offers to pay for the bill.

But the safest option might not be the best one, and even as a despot shows his true colors he is less and less easily unseated. We will grow less safe, our government less democratic, our country less civil.

Previous threads about him:

https://kiwifarms.net/threads/philippines-pm-duterte-to-obama-go-to-hell.24729/

https://kiwifarms.net/threads/philippines-leader-likens-himself-to-hitler.24628/


https://kiwifarms.net/threads/ex-philippine-president-ramos-says-duterte-government-a-letdown.24906/
 
As history shows - when he runs out of people to justifiably kill he'll start to punish people under vaguer and vaguer circumstances; eventually pissing off only but his most fanatical supporters. Then he'll be exiled or assassinated or overthrown in a military coup and everyone will rejoice for getting rid of that psycho who seemed like a good idea at the time.
 
As history shows - when he runs out of people to justifiably kill he'll start to punish people under vaguer and vaguer circumstances; eventually pissing off only but his most fanatical supporters. Then he'll be exiled or assassinated or overthrown in a military coup and everyone will rejoice for getting rid of that psycho who seemed like a good idea at the time.

Are you sure? I'm much more inclined that the drug lords will eventually overthrow him, and drug addicts will be an endless tide that can not be stopped, no matter how much bullets you use.
 
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And as mentioned he is using rumors of a sex tape to smear one his most vocal critics.

http://www.newsweek.com/2016/10/07/...sex-tape-slut-shame-senator-508254.html?rx=us

Former Justice Secretary and now Senator Leila de Lima prepares to read a statement on August 18 at the Philippine Senate in suburban Pasay city south of Manila, Philippines. President Rodrigo Duterte, in a news conference, linked her to the illegal drug trade and called her an "immoral woman." de Lima responded, "President Duterte, who also criticized the United Nations for condemning the spate of killings of suspected drug criminals in the country, is "abusing and misusing his executive power."BULLIT MARQUEZ/AP
Leila de Lima is sitting at a square table sharing a meal with some of her political allies in a meeting room in a Manila hotel. Two young male aides stand guard outside the room; they ask that her hotel not be named. “This is my life now,” says de Lima, a human rights advocate and member of the Philippine Senate. “It’s become a nightmare, but I’m getting used to it.”

Since September 20, when her address and cellphone number were read out at a congressional hearing, de Lima, 57, has moved between the homes of friends and relatives. She has received death threats and is now too afraid to spend the night at her own house, where she lives alone. “I sneak home occasionally to see my dogs,” she says. A former head of the national Commission on Human Rights and justice secretary in the previous administration, de Lima took a new role in August that has made her a target: She has become possibly the country’s most outspoken — and high-ranking — critic of President Rodrigo Duterte’s ruthless campaign against drug dealers and users.

“Duterte wants to make an example of me so that nobody will speak out and oppose him,” says de Lima, her tone switching between anger and exasperation. “This is a man who abhors dissent and muzzles all around him.”

Since Duterte assumed office on June 30, he has followed through on his pledge to pursue a war on drugs. In his first 100 days, roughly 3,400 Filipinos were shot dead in police operations or vigilante-style executions. The crackdown has sparked outrage overseas: Politicians and officials in the U.S., the U.N. and Europe have all slammed the Philippine leader. Duterte has reacted furiously, telling U.S. President Barack Obama that he could “go to hell” and threatening to end long-standing military ties to Washington, while proposing new trade alliances, long-term land leases and even weapons deals with Beijing and Moscow.

In the Philippines, most critics are too intimidated to speak up—in part because Duterte’s crackdown has sent his popularity ratings soaring to 76 percent, according to a recent poll. De Lima first publicly stood up to Duterte in August, when, as the chair of the Senate justice committee, she launched hearings into the surge of killings. The inquiry prompted Duterte to describe her as “immoral” and an “adulterer.” He also suggested she should hang herself.

In September, the conflict between Duterte and de Lima intensified when a self-professed hitman named Edgar Matobato testified at the hearings, claiming that death squads had killed drug users on Duterte’s orders during the president’s stint as mayor of Davao City. Matobato also said Duterte had shot dead a federal investigator with a machine gun. The president and police chiefs denied the claims, and apparent inconsistencies in Matobato’s account were uncovered in his cross-examination.

After Matobato’s testimony, de Lima faced an increase in attacks from Duterte’s supporters. Political allies, led by Manny Pacquiao, the boxing superstar who became a senator in May, ousted her as committee chair. Around the same time, she started receiving death threats. And in late September, Duterte loyalists in the country’s lower legislative house, the House of Representatives, threatened to screen a sex tape purportedly featuring de Lima (who has been divorced since 2007) with her married chauffeur. The pro-Duterte lawmakers alleged that the driver was also her “bagman” who collected payoffs for her from jailed drug lords in return for permitting them to continue their illegal trade while she was justice secretary. The video would purportedly help establish how close she was to the driver, they argued.

“De Lima is not only screwing her driver; she is also screwing the nation,” Duterte said on September 22 in remarks at the opening ceremony of a power plant, adding that she has a “propensity for sex.” The president has also said he loses his appetite every time he views the purported sex tape; he has not explained why he has watched it more than once.

De Lima says she does not know if she is featured in the sex tape, if it exists. She acknowledges previously having a relationship with the driver but insists that is a private matter, irrelevant to bribery claims that she denies. “Duterte is trying to destroy me at any cost in the hope that it will break my spirit, destroy my credibility and end my crusade to expose the truth about his presidency,” de Lima tells Newsweek. “It’s so ridiculous and surreal to find myself talking about a sex tape and completely false drug allegations.”

The lawmakers have recently backed away from their plan to show the tape, and some started to express doubts about that it featured her. But by using the allegations to attack de Lima, Duterte has risked alienating some potentially important voters: women. On October 4, the Senate passed a resolution filed by female senators from different parties denouncing Duterte’s supporters’ plan to show the alleged sex tape in the House of Representatives, calling it a form of “slut-shaming.” The hashtag #EveryWoman trended on Twitter and Facebook as female posters repeatedly wrote: “I would like to testify in Congress. It was me in the sex video.”

“The way she has been treated by Duterte is typical of how women in the Philippines are so often treated by men,” says Jozy Acosta-Nisperos, founder of anti-Duterte Facebook group the Silent Majority. “But he’s taking on the wrong woman. She won’t back down.”

Duterte has made inappropriate and hostile remarks about women in the past: He joked about the rape of a murdered Australian missionary on the campaign trail—a remark widely condemned outside the Philippines but largely brushed off inside the country as “Duterte being Duterte.”

Even though they acknowledge his overt sexism, some female critics say Duterte has introduced measures that have helped women. Katrina Stuart Santiago, a media columnist who blogs as “Radikal Chick,” notes that he introduced anti-discrimination statutes in Davao and says women there do not experience the same levels of street harassment as they do in other cities.

Some feminist groups have also praised his appointment of women to senior positions in government; few spoke up in de Lima’s defense until talk of the sex tape began. Although two of the six presidents since the overthrow of Ferdinand Marcos in 1986 have been female, women’s issues are typically low on the political agenda. “There is no real large-scale women's movement in this country,” says Santiago. “Mainstream media is not one to talk about feminism or women's issues, and there's no real woman's vote in this country.”

De Lima knows the risks of continuing to criticize Duterte. But even without the widespread support of women in the Philippines, she feels compelled to continue her campaign. “As a human rights advocate, I’m so shocked by the targeting of the poor, defenseless, small-time pushers who sell drugs to feed their addiction,” she says. “He mentions big names but only goes after the weak and vulnerable. What sort of war is that?”

For now, Duterte appears supremely confident; many perceive him as something of a second Marcos, the late dictator. But in a country with such a volatile political history, even strongmen like Marcos—who fled to Hawaii in 1986 after the mass protests of the “People Power revolution”—can find themselves suddenly stripped of power. De Lima is determined not to back down in her confrontation with the president. “The more they attack me, the more they embolden me,” she says. “If Duterte thinks he can break my spirit, he is dead wrong.”
 
And here's the article about the Philippines Church concern over the killings, and the revelation that Duterte was sexually abused by a priest when he was a kid:

https://www.yahoo.com/news/once-powerful-philippines-church-divided-subdued-over-drug-034345323.html


MANILA (Reuters) - Catholic priests from the Philippines Church, an institution that helped oust two of the country's leaders in the past, say they are afraid and unsure how to speak out against the war on drugs unleashed by new President Rodrigo Duterte.


In interviews with Reuters, more than a dozen clergymen in Asia's biggest Catholic nation said they were uncertain how to take a stand against the thousands of killings in a war that has such overwhelming popular support. Challenging the president's campaign could be fraught with danger, some said.

Duterte, who had a 76 percent satisfaction rating in a survey released last week, has quashed opposition to his war on drugs and blasted critics in curse-laden language. More than 3,600 people, mostly small-time drug users and dealers, have died at the hands of police and suspected vigilantes since he took power on June 30.

In another poll conducted by the same agency, the Social Weather Stations, 84 percent of respondents said they were satisfied or somewhat satisfied with the war on the drugs, although a majority said they had qualms about the killings.

Opposing the drug war "in some locations becomes a dangerous job", said Father Luciano Felloni, a priest in a northern district of the capital, Manila. At least 30 people, including a child and a pregnant woman, have been killed in his 'barangay', or neighborhood, where he is setting up community-based rehabilitation for drug users.

"There is a lot of fear because the way people have been killed is vigilante-style so anyone could become a target ... There is no way of protecting yourself."

Another priest, who like several others asked for anonymity because of possible reprisals, said it was risky to question the killings openly. Dozens of drug addicts and pushers are being killed every day, but anyone who criticizes Duterte's campaign could suffer a similar fate, he said.


Presidential spokesman Ernesto Abella said the Church was free to make statements, and there was no cause "to even imply" that anyone in the clergy would be targeted.

However, Abella added: "The Church needs to consider that recent surveys show the people trust and appreciate the president's efforts and it would do well to take heed and not presume that the people share their belief system."

"We expect them to be reasonable and considered."

Duterte said on Monday he would not stop the campaign.

"I'm really appalled by so many groups and individuals, including priests and bishops, complaining about the number of persons killed in the operation against drugs," he said in a speech in the southern city of Zamboanga.

"If I stop, the next generation would be lost."

"CHURCH WILL LOSE"

Some priests have supported Duterte's war on drugs.

"Are the means unnecessarily illegitimate?" said Father Joel Tabora, a Jesuit priest in Davao, where Duterte was mayor for 22 years, and where about 1,400 people were killed from 1998 until the end of last year in a similar anti-crime and anti-drug campaign, according to activists.

"People are dying, yes, but on the other hand, millions of people are being helped," said Tabora.

Three decades ago, the Church in the Philippines championed a 'People Power' revolution that reverberated around the world and ousted dictator Ferdinand Marcos. It also participated in a popular movement in 2001 that led to the impeachment and removal of another president, Joseph Estrada.

For the Vatican, the Philippines is a key eastern hub: it has the third-largest population of Catholics globally and accounts for more than half of Asia's roughly 148 million Catholics.

Nearly 80 percent of the 100 million people in the Philippines are Catholic and, unlike in many other countries where the faith was once strong, the vast majority still practice with enthusiasm.

Duterte, who is not a regular church-goer himself and says he was sexually abused by a priest as a boy, has publicly questioned the Church's relevance and he dubbed May's presidential election a referendum between him and the Church.

His victory by a substantial margin indicates that despite its appeal, the political clout of the Church is waning, some priests say. Indeed, many churchgoers who spoke to Reuters said they supported the war on drugs.

At the San Felipe Neri Parish Church in Manila on a recent Sunday, Father Francis Lucas said in a sermon that the Philippines was going through a "moral crisis".

"Why are all of these killings happening?" he asked, pacing in front of hundreds of people packed into wooden pews. "You have to love and care for one another."

Lucas is one of the few priests to oppose the killings in his sermons. But he later told Reuters it was unfair to expect the Church to influence the course of the war on drugs because it no longer had the secular power it once enjoyed.

"How come everybody wants the Church to act when others don't?" Lucas said. "Yes, we have influence but times have also changed."

In the car park outside the church, where people had spilled out and were listening on loudspeakers, his sermon did not go down well.

"The Church has to back off," said Jenny Calma, a 34-year-old mother of two.

"We voted for our president because he promised to stop drugs," Calma said as her children played between parked cars.

"The Church will lose" if it takes on Duterte over the killings, she added. "The feeling, the atmosphere in the community - sometimes the Church understands, sometimes it doesn't."

"LIFE IS CHEAP"

Nevertheless, some in the clergy are providing shelter to individuals trying to flee the campaign.

"There are cases where asylum is being sought and given, which are not brought to the attention of media ... especially during these times when life is cheap and summary execution is a way of living, and extra-judicial killing is a matter of course," retired Archbishop Oscar Cruz told Reuters.

He was also head of the country's apex Catholic body, the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP).

Cruz said details of the priests involved, their locations and who they were protecting were restricted because of the dangers involved.

Reuters spoke with one priest who temporarily hid someone fearing for his life, but the priest declined to be named because of concerns about his safety. He said that if any details were revealed he would become a target.

At the Vatican, a senior official said the Holy See's Secretariat of State was following the situation in the Philippines closely but, as with all countries, would leave it to the national bishops' conference to make its position on internal matters known to governments.

The official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to discuss the issue, however called the extra-judicial killings in the Philippines worrying.

After Duterte took power, the first official comment from the Philippines' conference of bishops came in mid-September. By then the president had been in office for two-and-a-half months and almost 3,000 people had died.

In that message, the CBCP said "deaths because of police encounters, deaths from extra-judicial killings" were cause for mourning and that drug addicts needed healing. But it also echoed the president's language, noting that the drug users "may have behaved as scum and rubbish".

Cruz said the Church was being "prudent" because so many people supported the summary execution of drug dealers.

"The CBCP also has to be very careful because it might unnecessarily offend a good number of people with goodwill, who are Catholics themselves," he said.

Under long-serving Cardinal Jaime Sin, the Philippines Church helped topple Presidents Marcos and Estrada and campaigned against the death penalty, which was suspended in 2006.

Sin, who retired in 2003 and died two years later, saw the Church's role as socio-political. However, before he retired, he initiated the division of the Archdiocese of Manila into multiple dioceses all run independently under different bishops.

Now, priests say, the Church's leadership is more fragmented and, because of that, carries less clout. Since the division, the Church has lost critical political battles, most notably failing to block a reproductive health bill promoting artificial contraception in 2012.

Oh yeah, and this French newspaper calls him a serial killer:

14495453_787198228049154_5401658296412063526_n.jpg
 
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Now Duterte wants to focus on Islamic militant rebels

https://www.yahoo.com/news/m/fa0d48...4a500af0/ss_with-brutal-drug-campaign-as.html

PATTERNS OF THOUGHT
Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte is pledging a harsh crackdown on Abu Sayyaf rebels in Mindanao in hopes of ending decades of violence that has deterred investment.

By Ralph Jennings, Correspondent / October 12, 2016
1008072_1_Philippines%20Muslim%20Rebels_43306227.JPG_standard.jpg

In this Aug. 31, 2016 photo, Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte salutes the flag-draped coffins of 15 Philippine Army soldiers killed by Abu Sayyaf militants in fierce fighting two days earlier on the restive southern island of Jolo. The attack dealt the government its largest single-day combat loss under President Duterte, who ordered the militants to be crushed for their brutality.

Robinson Ninal/Presidential Photographers Division/AP

CAGAYAN DE ORO, PHILIPPINES

Military roadblocks are not common in the Philippines. But there are two of them now on the road from the airport to this scruffy agricultural and industrial hub on the island of Mindanao.

They are the first signs a visitor sees of President Rodrigo Duterte’s new campaign to stamp out an Islamist rebellion that has smoldered here for decades, deterring investors and dampening economic growth.

Mr. Duterte is bringing to the fight the same brutal determination he has shown in his battle against illegal drug use – a campaign that has killed around 3,500 people in the past four months.


“My orders to the police and armed forces against enemies of the state – seek them out in their lairs and destroy them,” Duterte told reporters in August. “The Abu Sayyaf, destroy them. Period.”

Abu Sayyaf is best known overseas for kidnapping and beheading foreign tourists – most recently Canadian national Robert Hall in April. The group’s political cause, independence for predominantly Muslim parts of Mindanao, has been overshadowed by its frequent resort to gangsterism and extortion.

But Abu Sayyaf, a US-listed terror group, has proved resilient in the past, and the Philippines president may be about to lose a major ally in his fight against them if his recent threats to expel US military advisers are to be believed.

'People are leaving....'
Last month, Duterte declared an official "state of lawlessness" on Mindanao, clearing the way for the Army and police to work together against the rebels, thought to number around 400. Earlier, in stepped up operations, the Army killed 22 rebels and lost 12 soldiers; Abu Sayyaf retaliated by threatening “jihad" and bombing a night market in the provincial capital of Davao, killing 14 bystanders.

Residents of this run-down port city generally seem to support Duterte’s declaration of stepped-up war against Abu Sayyaf, hoping its eventual success could lead to greater prosperity.

“We hope that with the unity of the police and the support of our military, we can go together and solve the problem of our country,” says Lenilyn Deloy, a self-employed manicurist living off a trickle of customers who find her in a public park.

More than 120,000 people have died over the past 50 years in fighting with Abu Sayyaf and other Muslim rebel groups on Mindanao, a lush tropical island the size of Kentucky. The persistent violence has had dire economic effects: 40 percent of people living on Mindanao are classed as poor – the highest rate in the country – according to the Asian Development Bank.

Mindanao lags behind the rest of the country in roads, railways, and industry. The threat of violence “discourages investment, drains government resources, and poses a continuing risk of connections to international terrorism,” the US government’s poverty relief agency USAID says in a recent report.

“People are leaving [Mindanao] simply because the economy is bad,” says Rhona Canoy, president of a private school and scion of a prominent political family in Cagayan de Oro.

Yet the region is potentially rich. “If the conflict ends, the islands of the Sulu Sea are ripe for tourism,” forecasts Jonathan Ravelas, chief market strategist with Banco de Oro UniBank in Manila. “Agriculture will definitely stand out as the farmers want to raise crops, and with government aid would have a market for their goods.”

“It’s always been the dream of Mindanao to have a situation of peace so that development efforts can come in,” says Cagayan de Oro archbishop Antonio Ledesma. “I think the investors are waiting to come here provided there’s a peace negotiation that is stabilized.”

Investor queries about Mindanao surged around the time of Duterte’s inauguration in June, Philippines News Agency reported, in an apparent sign of hope for improvements to come. The new president served as mayor of Davao for 22 years.

Sowing confusion
While ordering thousands of Filipino troops to root Abu Sayyaf fighters out of their strongholds on islands in the Sulu Sea, off the coast of Mindanao, Duterte has sown confusion about his intentions with threats to expel US military advisers helping government forces.

US officials say nothing has changed for the 50 to 100 American personnel normally on Mindanao at any one time to help investigate kidnapping threats and do forensic investigations.

“Over the last two months, we have been consulting with our Filipino partners at senior levels on ways we could increase our assistance to support the new administration's counter-terrorism efforts,” embassy spokesperson Molly Koscina says. “We will … tailor our assistance based on the Duterte administration’s policies and priorities.”

Duterte pledged during his election campaign to open negotiations with two sporadically violent, Mindanao-based Muslim rebel groups, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front and the Moro National Liberation Front, about autonomy. He is treating Abu Sayyaf, however, simply as a bandit gang.

That may or may not work, say analysts. “A suppressive element is probably necessary, but it needs to be embedded in a broader political solution,” says Tim Johnston, Asia program director with the International Crisis Group think tank. “The two are not incompatible; they are complementary in many ways.”

Abu Sayyaf has “waxed and waned” over its 25-year history, says Jay Batongbacal, associate professor of law at the University of the Philippines in Manila. But the group does not find it hard to recruit unemployed young Muslim men who see no future.

“It is really rooted in the problems of the economic and cultural situation in that part of the Philippines,” Prof. Batongbacal adds. “That’s why it is really difficult to extinguish.”
 
There's gonna be a lot of bloodshed in the next few months.
 
Now Duterte says he would maintain existing military alliances. Maybe Obama is either ready to talk to him or he will give his military the latest equipment. I don't know.


https://www.yahoo.com/news/philippine-leader-duterte-says-maintain-military-alliances-094430810.html

MANILA (Reuters) - Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte said on Wednesday his country would maintain its existing defense treaties and its military alliances, adding to uncertainty and confusion over the status of security ties with the United States.

It an apparent break from a weeks-long torrent of anti-American rhetoric, Duterte suggested defense alliances would continue and his foreign policy was to "realign", but reiterated joint exercises with U.S. troops, a decades-old tradition, would be stopped.


Part of the re-alignment has been overtures toward China and Russia, which Duterte has spoken highly of and plans to visit in the weeks ahead, starting with China from Oct. 18-21.

"We need not really break or abrogate our existing treaties because they say that it could provide us with the umbrella," Duterte said in a speech to the coastguard personnel in Manila.

"We will maintain all military alliances because they say we need it for our defense."

It was not immediately clear who Duterte was attributing the comments to when he mentioned "they" in his justification for maintaining ties.

He told U.S. President Barack Obama last week to "go to hell" and alluded to severing ties with Washington. He also said the Philippines "would not beg" for U.S. aid and dared the U.S. spy agency to oust him.

The maverick former Davao City mayor has expressed anger over U.S. colonial rule and what he called "reprimands" from Washington about his bloody war on drugs.

Duterte's pronouncements on the status of ties with the United States have created considerable confusion, with U.S. officials adamant that relations are unchanged and Philippine defense officials saying security programs are to be reviewed to determine their relevance.

The Philippines and the United States currently hold 28 exercises together each year, three of which are major programs and the rest minor, according to the Philippine defense ministry.

Though Duterte said the existing military alliances would remain intact, in his speech on Wednesday, he said joint drills were off the table.

"I insist that we realign, that there will be no more exercises next year. Do not prepare," he said.

"I told Defence Secretary (Delfin) Lorenzana, do not make preparations for next year's. I don't want it anymore. I will chart an independent foreign policy."
 
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Honestly I think Obama can safely stasify him with some equipment that is second rate by US standards but still better than what Duterte's troopers currently have.

Ever since he talked against all out attacking Russia, Obama had been more reasonable of late. This is propably what he should have done in the first place.

Obama upped the gains, and Putin and China were not willing to pay high enough.
 
Honestly I think Obama can safely stasify him with some equipment that is second rate by US standards but still better than what Duterte's troopers currently have.

I kind of agree. This guy is making angry noises to get bribed to shut the fuck up.

If he isn't he's genuinely stupid and we should put out a hit on him.
 
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