Let's pretend for one moment that he does die before the election, just for the funsies. What happens then? Will the nomination revert to option number 2, aka Bernie Sanders? Or will his running mate automatically replace him just the way Vice-President is supposted to step in after the Big Man in the White House chokes on a piece of matzo? Does he even have a running mate yet?
US Joe Biden News Megathread - The Other Biden Derangement Syndrome Thread (with a side order of Fauci Derangement Syndrome)
- Thread starter Borscht
- Start date
- Joined
- Apr 6, 2015
to be fair, biden wasn't elected by the american people either
- Joined
- Dec 15, 2018
That's been the worst part of 2021. People aren't even bothering to create laws because they KNOW they won't go through. They just create mandates and like magic everyone has no choice now.
Not just OSHA. The CDC just declared that nobody had to pay rent for a year, and it was just a fact now. Nobody elected the CDC either.
Then actual elected officials just screamed "emergency powers" and managed to get around all those pesky "checks and balances."
- Joined
- Mar 22, 2019
As appealing as it will be, the better battery tech will be inevitable to make electric cars truly viable for replacing the heavy duty trucks, and from there the free market should eventually scale them down from the trucks.
Plus the better battery is needed if the cities even hope to go green. Power generation is one thing compared to storage. LA, sitting in the heart of eco-hippy utopia California only has like a minute of battery storage that would power the city. And the main battery tech under Lithium-Ion tech would require a stupendous about of Lithium to work (Likely literally more Lithium than exists on earth)
New tech will be needed as peak production times for solar are 12-3pm in the day, provided it's sunny, wind varies and is unreliable, and peak consumption is around 6-8pm on average, and then you need extra capacity for the off days.
TLDR better battery tech is needed to make the "green switch" viable, and that would more than likely bleed to the cars eventually.
Maybe Joe should throw his Billions at that instead of paying off RINOs
- Joined
- Jan 14, 2018
- Joined
- Feb 27, 2019
Lol I like the first and last ones the best.
Reminder that the donkey is the Democrat mascot because a dem like 100 years ago or whatever got called an ass by someone. Donkeys are very cool animals that can be very sweet. They don't deserve this. They are very loud though.
- Joined
- Jan 18, 2017
You are aware of the Dubai Lamp right? They make light bulbs that will last a literal lifetime but you can't get em in the US easily at all...Companies design this stuff to make it cost the users as much as possible and lol if they are going to make it any cheaper.
- Joined
- Mar 30, 2020
If you want to take them at their word, and believe that COVID caused 750,000 deaths in a span of 2 years in a population of ~350,000,000 that still isn't a lot of people. I think smoking-related illnesses kill about that many people a year.
Like somebody said earlier in this thread, states should fine companies twice as much money per employee if they comply with this mandate.
1) Masks don't stop it from spreading or you catching it.
2) If the vaccine works, then they should still be safe from those who aren't. If the vaccine doesn't work then there is no reason why you should force it upon people to begin with.
3) You mean the tests that come up with false-positives 50% of the time, and weren't even made for diagnosing people anyways?
Is Mr. Gostin mad that we don't worship "scientists" like gods?
Oxous
kiwifarms.net
- Joined
- Aug 3, 2021
tl;dr Democrats are scared rural white people will begin voting as reliably for the Republicans as blacks vote for the Democrats, thus cancelling out their advantage with minorities
Democrats Thought They Bottomed Out in Rural, White America. It Wasn’t the Bottom.
(archive)
Republicans ran up the margins in rural Virginia counties, the latest sign that Democrats, as one lawmaker put it, “continue to tank in small-town America.”
HOT SPRINGS, Va. — The increasingly liberal politics of Virginia had been a sore spot for residents of this conservative town of 499 people nestled in the Allegheny Mountains. But this past week, as Republicans stormed to marquee victories powered in part by turnout in rural areas like Bath County, local voters cheered.
“We got our Virginia back,” said Elaine Neff, a 61-year-old resident. “And we haven’t had a win in a long time.”
Ms. Neff said she cried from a mix of happiness and relief after the election. She does not want to take the coronavirus vaccine and believes Glenn Youngkin, the winning Republican candidate for governor, will relax state mandates. Outside a nearby grocery store, Charles Hamilton taunted the Democrats.
“We’re a county of old country folk who want to do what they want,” said Mr. Hamilton, 74. “They found out the hard way.”
In the jigsaw puzzle that is electoral politics, Democrats have often focused their energy on swingy suburbs and voter-rich cities, content to mostly ignore many white, rural communities that lean conservative. The belief was, in part, that the party had already bottomed out there, especially during the Trump era, when Republicans had run up the numbers of white voters in rural areas to dizzying new heights.
Virginia, however, is proof: It can get worse.
In 2008, there were only four small Virginia counties where Republicans won 70 percent or more of the vote in that year’s presidential race. Nowhere was the party above 75 percent. This year, Mr. Youngkin was above 70 percent in 45 counties — and he surpassed 80 percent in 15 of them.
“Look at some of those rural counties in Virginia as a wake-up call,” said Steve Bullock, the Democratic former governor of Montana who made a long-shot 2020 presidential run, partly on a message that his party needed to compete in more conservative parts of the country. “Folks don’t feel like we’re offering them anything, or hearing or listening to them.”
Mr. Youngkin not only won less populated areas by record margins — he was outpacing former President Donald J. Trump’s 2020 showing in even the reddest counties, including by six percentage points in Bath County — but he also successfully rolled back Democratic gains in the bedroom communities outside Washington and Richmond, where many college-educated white voters had rejected Republicanism under Mr. Trump.
The twin results raise a foreboding possibility for Democrats: that the party had simply leased the suburbs in the Trump era, while Republicans may have bought and now own even more of rural America.
Republicans have never had a demographic stronghold as reliable as Black voters have been for Democrats, a group that delivers as many as nine out of 10 votes for the party. But some Democratic leaders are now sounding the alarm: What if rural, white voters — of which there are many — start voting that reliably Republican?
“It’s not sustainable for our party to continue to tank in small-town America,” said Representative Cheri Bustos, the Illinois congresswoman who led the House Democratic campaign arm in 2020.
“We’ve got a branding problem as Democrats in way too many parts of our country,” said Ms. Bustos, who is retiring from a downstate and heavily rural Illinois seat that Mr. Trump carried twice. She called it “political malpractice” and “disrespectful to think it’s OK to run up the score in big cities and just neglect the smaller towns.”
There is no easy solution.
Many of the ideas and issues that animate the Democratic base can be off-putting in small towns or untethered to rural life. Voters in Bath County, many of whom are avid hunters and conservative evangelicals, have long opposed liberal stances on gun rights and abortions. Some Democrats urge the party to just show up more. Some believe liberal ideas can gain traction, such as universal health care and free community college. Others urge a refocus on kitchen-table economics like jobs programs and rural broadband to improve connectivity. But it is not clear how open voters are to even listening.
Representative Dean Phillips, a Democrat who flipped a Republican-held seat outside Minneapolis in 2018, said that when it comes to issues that concern rural America, his party is afflicted with a “disease of disinterest.”
He especially lamented how his party’s strategists routinely tell candidates “to fish where the Democratic fish are instead of taking that canoe out a little further out on the lake.”
“For a party that predicates itself on inclusivity,” he added, “I’m afraid we’re acting awfully exclusive.”
Mr. Phillips called for Democrats to include “geographic equity” in their agenda along with racial and economic equity, noting that he is a proud member of the state’s Democratic Party, which is formally known as the Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party. “I’m a D.F.L.-er and yet the F’s and the L’ers aren’t voting for us,” he said.
The rural share of the vote in America has been steadily shrinking, but remains sizable enough to be politically potent. National exit polling in 2020 estimated that one in five voters lived in rural or small-town America. The Democratic data firm TargetSmart, which categorized voters based on population density, labeled 30 percent of the electorate as rural.
But while some Democratic politicians now recognize the scope of their rural problem, the words of voters in Bath County expose the difficulty in finding solutions. In interviews with a dozen white, rural voters who backed Mr. Youngkin, policy was less important than grievance and their own identity politics. And the voters, fueled by a conservative media bubble that speaks in apocalyptic terms, were convinced that America had been brought to the brink by a litany of social movements that had gone too far.
A monument to Confederate soldiers stands next to the sheriff’s office in Hot Springs, a visual representation of the cultural gap between its residents and the Democratic base. The town is accessible only by a two-lane highway that winds through mountains near the West Virginia border. It’s best known for The Homestead, a luxury resort founded in the late 1800s that has hosted golf tournaments, conferences for the United Nations and presidents, including William Howard Taft and Theodore Roosevelt.
Ms. Neff, who owns a hardware store adorned with images of Mr. Trump as Rambo and the Terminator, was in Washington on Jan. 6 to support the former president — but refused to go into further detail. Citing false evidence, she called the coronavirus vaccine a “poison” and said she worried that Democrats were planning extermination camps of Mr. Trump’s supporters.
Karen Williams, a Bath County resident who manages vacation rentals, said she resented the current Virginia governor, Ralph Northam, a Democrat, for keeping schools shut down during the pandemic, embracing progressive policies focused on race and removing Confederate statues and monuments. She called this an example of critical race theory, a graduate-level academic framework that has become shorthand for a contentious debate on how to teach race and racism in schools.
White children “are no longer allowed to be kids, we’re treating them like little monsters,” Ms. Williams said.
Mr. Hamilton, a veteran of the Vietnam War, said his vote for Mr. Youngkin was really a proxy vote for Mr. Trump. Of President Biden, he said, “the best thing that can happen is to get him and that woman out of there.”
John Wright, a 68-year-old retiree, said he listened only to pro-Trump programming.
“I don’t care if the media said the moon was full of cheese, and there was an astronaut who brought back some cheese,” Mr. Wright said. “If the media said it, I won’t believe it.”
Some of these voters are simply out of reach for Democrats, incompatible with the party’s embrace of Black Lives Matter, transgender rights and #MeToo.
But the politically urgent problem for Democrats is that rural America has moved faster and further from them in the last 20 years than urban America has moved away from Republicans. From 1999 to 2019, cities swung 14 percentage points toward the Democrats, according to a 2020 Pew Research Center report. At the same time, rural areas shifted by 19 percentage points toward the Republicans. The suburbs remained essentially tied.
Amanda Litman, the executive director of Run for Something, which looks for Democrats to run for local offices nationwide, said it could be challenging to recruit candidates in deep red small towns — and to lure money into what are most likely losing causes.
“We just have to try and lose by less,” she said. “And ‘investing to lose by less’ is not a fun sell to Democratic donors. But it is what it is.”
Those Democrats who do run in conservative territory often distance themselves from the national party brand. When Monica Tranel, a Democrat, kicked off her bid for Montana’s new congressional seat over the summer, she lamented how few of the people she grew up with still vote Democratic. “They feel like Democrats look down on rural America,” she said in her campaign launch video.
Ben Tribbett, a Democratic strategist in Virginia, has watched his party’s vote share in rural areas wither for three decades.
“I don’t know what our message is there,” Mr. Tribbett said. “Which is a problem, because I’m supposed to be creating content for political campaigns.”
Just how much further can the party fall?
“In rural America the bottom for the Democratic Party is zero,” said Ethan Winter, a senior analyst at the group Data for Progress, who studies voter behavior. “I am serious about this.”
Rural, white voters in the past in the North had historic ties to the labor movement and an affinity for the Democratic Party. Increasingly, Mr. Winter said, those voters are more akin culturally to their neighbors to the South than to their local cities and suburbs.
Tom Bonier, one of the Democratic Party’s leading experts on voter data and the chief executive of TargetSmart, agreed. “You look at places in the Deep South where the white, rural vote is approaching 90 percent Republican,” he said. “That’s absolutely the concern.”
Mr. Youngkin carried Virginia’s mountains with 70 percent of the vote, up from Mr. Trump’s 63 percent last year, according to exit polling. And among white voters without college degrees, Mr. Youngkin won 76 percent — a stark improvement from Mr. Trump’s 62 percent in 2020 and higher than in 2016, as well.
In Bath County, a smaller group of voters cited economic concerns for why the area has become more conservative. They spoke of a time in almost mythical terms, when both parties had a foothold in the region — before rising gas prices, inflation and stagnant wages.
Sharon Lindsay, a 69-year-old librarian, said people were offended that today’s liberals assume their area is inherently racist or bigoted. “We know they wrote us off,” Ms. Lindsay said. “They never talk to us. We never see them. And we see Republicans all the time.”
Republicans ran up the margins in rural Virginia counties, the latest sign that Democrats, as one lawmaker put it, “continue to tank in small-town America.”
HOT SPRINGS, Va. — The increasingly liberal politics of Virginia had been a sore spot for residents of this conservative town of 499 people nestled in the Allegheny Mountains. But this past week, as Republicans stormed to marquee victories powered in part by turnout in rural areas like Bath County, local voters cheered.
“We got our Virginia back,” said Elaine Neff, a 61-year-old resident. “And we haven’t had a win in a long time.”
Ms. Neff said she cried from a mix of happiness and relief after the election. She does not want to take the coronavirus vaccine and believes Glenn Youngkin, the winning Republican candidate for governor, will relax state mandates. Outside a nearby grocery store, Charles Hamilton taunted the Democrats.
“We’re a county of old country folk who want to do what they want,” said Mr. Hamilton, 74. “They found out the hard way.”
In the jigsaw puzzle that is electoral politics, Democrats have often focused their energy on swingy suburbs and voter-rich cities, content to mostly ignore many white, rural communities that lean conservative. The belief was, in part, that the party had already bottomed out there, especially during the Trump era, when Republicans had run up the numbers of white voters in rural areas to dizzying new heights.
Virginia, however, is proof: It can get worse.
In 2008, there were only four small Virginia counties where Republicans won 70 percent or more of the vote in that year’s presidential race. Nowhere was the party above 75 percent. This year, Mr. Youngkin was above 70 percent in 45 counties — and he surpassed 80 percent in 15 of them.
“Look at some of those rural counties in Virginia as a wake-up call,” said Steve Bullock, the Democratic former governor of Montana who made a long-shot 2020 presidential run, partly on a message that his party needed to compete in more conservative parts of the country. “Folks don’t feel like we’re offering them anything, or hearing or listening to them.”
Mr. Youngkin not only won less populated areas by record margins — he was outpacing former President Donald J. Trump’s 2020 showing in even the reddest counties, including by six percentage points in Bath County — but he also successfully rolled back Democratic gains in the bedroom communities outside Washington and Richmond, where many college-educated white voters had rejected Republicanism under Mr. Trump.
The twin results raise a foreboding possibility for Democrats: that the party had simply leased the suburbs in the Trump era, while Republicans may have bought and now own even more of rural America.
Republicans have never had a demographic stronghold as reliable as Black voters have been for Democrats, a group that delivers as many as nine out of 10 votes for the party. But some Democratic leaders are now sounding the alarm: What if rural, white voters — of which there are many — start voting that reliably Republican?
“It’s not sustainable for our party to continue to tank in small-town America,” said Representative Cheri Bustos, the Illinois congresswoman who led the House Democratic campaign arm in 2020.
“We’ve got a branding problem as Democrats in way too many parts of our country,” said Ms. Bustos, who is retiring from a downstate and heavily rural Illinois seat that Mr. Trump carried twice. She called it “political malpractice” and “disrespectful to think it’s OK to run up the score in big cities and just neglect the smaller towns.”
There is no easy solution.
Many of the ideas and issues that animate the Democratic base can be off-putting in small towns or untethered to rural life. Voters in Bath County, many of whom are avid hunters and conservative evangelicals, have long opposed liberal stances on gun rights and abortions. Some Democrats urge the party to just show up more. Some believe liberal ideas can gain traction, such as universal health care and free community college. Others urge a refocus on kitchen-table economics like jobs programs and rural broadband to improve connectivity. But it is not clear how open voters are to even listening.
Representative Dean Phillips, a Democrat who flipped a Republican-held seat outside Minneapolis in 2018, said that when it comes to issues that concern rural America, his party is afflicted with a “disease of disinterest.”
He especially lamented how his party’s strategists routinely tell candidates “to fish where the Democratic fish are instead of taking that canoe out a little further out on the lake.”
“For a party that predicates itself on inclusivity,” he added, “I’m afraid we’re acting awfully exclusive.”
Mr. Phillips called for Democrats to include “geographic equity” in their agenda along with racial and economic equity, noting that he is a proud member of the state’s Democratic Party, which is formally known as the Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party. “I’m a D.F.L.-er and yet the F’s and the L’ers aren’t voting for us,” he said.
The rural share of the vote in America has been steadily shrinking, but remains sizable enough to be politically potent. National exit polling in 2020 estimated that one in five voters lived in rural or small-town America. The Democratic data firm TargetSmart, which categorized voters based on population density, labeled 30 percent of the electorate as rural.
But while some Democratic politicians now recognize the scope of their rural problem, the words of voters in Bath County expose the difficulty in finding solutions. In interviews with a dozen white, rural voters who backed Mr. Youngkin, policy was less important than grievance and their own identity politics. And the voters, fueled by a conservative media bubble that speaks in apocalyptic terms, were convinced that America had been brought to the brink by a litany of social movements that had gone too far.
A monument to Confederate soldiers stands next to the sheriff’s office in Hot Springs, a visual representation of the cultural gap between its residents and the Democratic base. The town is accessible only by a two-lane highway that winds through mountains near the West Virginia border. It’s best known for The Homestead, a luxury resort founded in the late 1800s that has hosted golf tournaments, conferences for the United Nations and presidents, including William Howard Taft and Theodore Roosevelt.
Ms. Neff, who owns a hardware store adorned with images of Mr. Trump as Rambo and the Terminator, was in Washington on Jan. 6 to support the former president — but refused to go into further detail. Citing false evidence, she called the coronavirus vaccine a “poison” and said she worried that Democrats were planning extermination camps of Mr. Trump’s supporters.
Karen Williams, a Bath County resident who manages vacation rentals, said she resented the current Virginia governor, Ralph Northam, a Democrat, for keeping schools shut down during the pandemic, embracing progressive policies focused on race and removing Confederate statues and monuments. She called this an example of critical race theory, a graduate-level academic framework that has become shorthand for a contentious debate on how to teach race and racism in schools.
White children “are no longer allowed to be kids, we’re treating them like little monsters,” Ms. Williams said.
Mr. Hamilton, a veteran of the Vietnam War, said his vote for Mr. Youngkin was really a proxy vote for Mr. Trump. Of President Biden, he said, “the best thing that can happen is to get him and that woman out of there.”
John Wright, a 68-year-old retiree, said he listened only to pro-Trump programming.
“I don’t care if the media said the moon was full of cheese, and there was an astronaut who brought back some cheese,” Mr. Wright said. “If the media said it, I won’t believe it.”
Some of these voters are simply out of reach for Democrats, incompatible with the party’s embrace of Black Lives Matter, transgender rights and #MeToo.
But the politically urgent problem for Democrats is that rural America has moved faster and further from them in the last 20 years than urban America has moved away from Republicans. From 1999 to 2019, cities swung 14 percentage points toward the Democrats, according to a 2020 Pew Research Center report. At the same time, rural areas shifted by 19 percentage points toward the Republicans. The suburbs remained essentially tied.
Amanda Litman, the executive director of Run for Something, which looks for Democrats to run for local offices nationwide, said it could be challenging to recruit candidates in deep red small towns — and to lure money into what are most likely losing causes.
“We just have to try and lose by less,” she said. “And ‘investing to lose by less’ is not a fun sell to Democratic donors. But it is what it is.”
Those Democrats who do run in conservative territory often distance themselves from the national party brand. When Monica Tranel, a Democrat, kicked off her bid for Montana’s new congressional seat over the summer, she lamented how few of the people she grew up with still vote Democratic. “They feel like Democrats look down on rural America,” she said in her campaign launch video.
Ben Tribbett, a Democratic strategist in Virginia, has watched his party’s vote share in rural areas wither for three decades.
“I don’t know what our message is there,” Mr. Tribbett said. “Which is a problem, because I’m supposed to be creating content for political campaigns.”
Just how much further can the party fall?
“In rural America the bottom for the Democratic Party is zero,” said Ethan Winter, a senior analyst at the group Data for Progress, who studies voter behavior. “I am serious about this.”
Rural, white voters in the past in the North had historic ties to the labor movement and an affinity for the Democratic Party. Increasingly, Mr. Winter said, those voters are more akin culturally to their neighbors to the South than to their local cities and suburbs.
Tom Bonier, one of the Democratic Party’s leading experts on voter data and the chief executive of TargetSmart, agreed. “You look at places in the Deep South where the white, rural vote is approaching 90 percent Republican,” he said. “That’s absolutely the concern.”
Mr. Youngkin carried Virginia’s mountains with 70 percent of the vote, up from Mr. Trump’s 63 percent last year, according to exit polling. And among white voters without college degrees, Mr. Youngkin won 76 percent — a stark improvement from Mr. Trump’s 62 percent in 2020 and higher than in 2016, as well.
In Bath County, a smaller group of voters cited economic concerns for why the area has become more conservative. They spoke of a time in almost mythical terms, when both parties had a foothold in the region — before rising gas prices, inflation and stagnant wages.
Sharon Lindsay, a 69-year-old librarian, said people were offended that today’s liberals assume their area is inherently racist or bigoted. “We know they wrote us off,” Ms. Lindsay said. “They never talk to us. We never see them. And we see Republicans all the time.”
- Joined
- Jun 27, 2014
Beats my area in NY, where the moratorium got slapped down but town officials are still acting like it's there, still binding and refusing to move even on cases the moratorium itself specifically allowed holes for, like tenants that sell drugs from your house or damage your home. The reason behind this seems to ultimately be "go fuck yourself, a tenant turning your home into a crack house is your problem now."
- Joined
- Dec 20, 2019
That one's just a retread of the '94 Time cover about the election results, which had a much more amusing squashed donkey.
- Joined
- Dec 15, 2018
@Oxous, it's not just rural white voters: Youngkin won at least one district that was 56% black voters. That's a big story that the MSM will not cover.
Also, no shit the Democrats have basically said for 2 decades or more that only city values matter and now rural voters are going hard Republican? We knew that even when Obama was winning landslides.
Also, no shit the Democrats have basically said for 2 decades or more that only city values matter and now rural voters are going hard Republican? We knew that even when Obama was winning landslides.
- Joined
- Feb 6, 2018
I don't wish to see anyone die, but she's a typical race hustler hypocrite, like a young Al Sharpton in drag.
Oxous
kiwifarms.net
- Joined
- Aug 3, 2021
It'll be a while longer before Democrats start realizing that having the black vote isn't guaranteed forever. And as for the white rural vote, I think the vast majority of decision-makers just started assuming that rural counties would vote 100% Republican because of that cancerous "only city values matter" mindset. It's only now beginning to set in that, no, they still need to at least put up an effort in rural counties. Most parts of America still aren't at a level where city-dwellers overwhelm rural voters completely in terms of population.
Town officials just act like that because they're pussy-whipped from governors in Albany trying to rule the state like autocratic dictators. That's how Cuomo governed his entire term and it shows, even in my county where like 90% of elected officials are Republican.
Here's a fun fact I recently learned btw. Every year New York Democrats fly all the way down to Puerto Rico (for some reason) and hold a conference where they perform all sorts of incestuous intriguing and political jockeying to give each other new positions and seats. This includes Gov. Hochul who just returned to the state from there.
- Joined
- Dec 15, 2018
I've been saying it for a little bit, but that black male vote is steadily creeping downwards for them. Every exit poll I saw said black men voted for Trump 19%. That's obviously not a lot, but if that black male vote gets to 25% or so, the Dems are fucked. They are completly reliant on that black vote being very very high to win purple zones, and more and more we are seeing not just black men but Hispanic men creep JUST high enough to swing purple areas in red's favor.
- Joined
- Jul 22, 2021
It's this tweet for me. Genuinely can't believe an American politician would say that.
- Joined
- Mar 23, 2021
perfect example
Republicans are fine with scraps so long as their team wins something. when they don't, it doesn't matter or the other team is angry so it's ok
cuckoldry or a very passive coping mechanism?
CAPTAIN HAPPY
kiwifarms.net
- Joined
- Jun 24, 2021
Bullshit.
You just hope that one day you'll get to be Monica to his Bill. Although knowing your fetishes, you're gonna have to wait for him to turn 70.
- Joined
- Sep 19, 2018
There's a difference?
- Joined
- Oct 21, 2019
Biden can eat a fat dick, holy fuck am I mad at the internet reading a senile probable incestuous pedo telling me that I don’t understand the supply chain issues when he’s shitting his pants and sharting in front of world leaders.
Work? LOL. Her anger is not about the working conditions in those areas because even she knows her fellow joggers slang on the corners, not work. No, no, no “environmental racism” is what she is likely talking about which is woke shorthand for “all dem factories and refineries are polluting muh hoods IT MUST BE WHITEY TRYING TO KILL ME”.
- Joined
- Mar 30, 2020
This land wasn't stolen. We won it through conquest, fair and square.
It's this tweet for me. Genuinely can't believe an American politician would say that.
She should really stop bitching about black people not being free. They're awarded much more privileges than the average White American.
- Status