US US Politics General 2 - Discussion of President Trump and other politicians

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Should be a wild four years.

Helpful links for those who need them:

Current members of the House of Representatives
https://www.house.gov/representatives

Current members of the Senate
https://www.senate.gov/senators/

Current members of the US Supreme Court
https://www.supremecourt.gov/about/biographies.aspx

Members of the Trump Administration
https://www.whitehouse.gov/administration/
 
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The Pelosi ACT has just passed the committee vote at a narrow 8-7 margin and will head to congress to be voted on.
This bill would ban congressional members from purchasing stocks.
That's my senator :semperfidelis:

About time they got around to this, I know this has been a big policy for Hawley since he took office.
 
Isn't Euphoria a show about troons having sex with men? Do people actually watch that? Why are people in this thread talking about it like they watch it, why is Catch the Rainbow defending the jews for making a show about troons fucking straight men? please don't tell me people in this thread watch that fucking shit.
We all watch it together online and we don’t invite you.
 
Who even knows who she is before that jeans controversy? Nothing against Sweeney, but the whole outrage is blown way out of proportion.
The first time I've heard of Sweeney was the bathwater soap thing.

So yeah, it does feel like her stardom was born out of controversy (she might have been in other things but i don't pay attention to celebrity that much).
 
why is Catch the Rainbow defending the jews for making a show about troons fucking straight men
I think his point was it shouldn't be a surprise that some Jew is making a show that is adapted from an Israeli one. And that if this is some conspiracy to demoralize and corrupt the goy, then they were doing it to themselves first. Not that it isn't degenerate garbage.
 
I think his point was it shouldn't be a surprise that some Jew is making a show that is adapted from an Israeli one. And that if this is some conspiracy to demoralize and corrupt the goy, then they were doing it to themselves first. Not that it isn't degenerate garbage.
He's literally making no point then. "Why do you assume jews making shows about troons having sex with men is a jewish conspiracy? The show was created by jews in Israel in the first place. Checkmate antisemite!" Literally just confirming that the troon show is a jewish conspiracy lmao
 
Of course if she had any brain cells she would recall how much money she wasted on this last attempt and just take the damn L
In a sane world, sure. But in the real world, consider the following: (a) Her 2024 campaign ran though +$2 billion, all of which was other people's money, so no L for her there and (b) How much of that +$2 billion did she skim off the top for herself? Realizing you've taken an L requires self-awareness - not one of her strong suits - and this is in any case easily ignored if you were in it for the grift to begin with.
 
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The Pelosi ACT has just passed the committee vote at a narrow 8-7 margin and will head to congress to be voted on.
This bill would ban congressional members from purchasing stocks.
It won't pass.
But if it passes it won't do what it's advertised to do.
But if it does what its advertises to do it won't have any teethe.
But if it has teethe it will only be applied to outsiders.
But if it's applied to everyone the Leviathan will find a new way to corrupt the ruling class.
 
That's right, her statement does not say anything about a third run for President. If she has any brain cells at all to rub together, she won't make any comments about 2028 until much closer to 2028, or at least wait until after midterms. Of course if she had any brain cells she would recall how much money she wasted on this last attempt and just take the damn L, but we live in crazyland so who knows.
inb4 she loses in the primaries (again)
 
The Pelosi act will never pass

You think the politicians will vote to remove money from their pockets? You might as well ask for them to vote on a pay cut and pension reduction.

If you look at the stats I bet you'd find most Rep's and Senators come away from "public" service very wealthy. Thanks to all that inside information they get from the lobby brigade.

Fuck even if it did pass by some miracle all it would do is drive the grift underground. You'd have the politicians families all getting rich instead and then gifting the money to big guy.

Face it, politics will always be corrupt as it really only allows two types of people to succeed. Your a morally bankrupt person driven by wealth collection or a morally bankrupt person driven by the pursuit of personal power.

No one good can ever make it in politics, they're shut out the second they refuse to sell out to (((them))).

We need a new system of government, democracy is just too flawed in the long run and the other types just end up in tyranny of one sort or the other.

Maybe a AI system could save us from ourselves.
 
There literally are none. I would if I could think of a single argument against this. The closest is (1) self-sabateurs hoping for the BITCOIN BVLL to hit $1 million, and (2) bankers whose argument is actually "we will kill your entire family if you try to regulate us in any way", which is not something you can really argue against.
Well, I know it's niggercattle behavior to ask Mr. Computer, but here's what the AI bots think:

Gemini:
Here's a counter-argument to the provided opinion piece, focusing on potential benefits of "risk management" and the complexities of regulating a multi-layered financial system:

The opinion piece argues that the "Fair Access to Banking Act" (S.401) is a necessary step to curb the power of financial services, particularly payment networks, which it claims act as monopolies and unfairly deny services based on "political or reputational risk considerations". While the concerns about access to financial services for legal businesses are understandable, a counter-argument can be made by highlighting the often-necessary function of "risk management" by financial institutions and the potential negative consequences of over-regulating this complex system.

First, the article frames "risk management" as a secretive and problematic practice. However, risk management is a fundamental and critical function of financial institutions. Payment networks and processors handle trillions of dollars in transactions annually, and they are responsible for safeguarding against fraud, money laundering, and other illicit activities. Denying service to certain entities, even those engaged in legal activities, can sometimes be a proactive measure to mitigate legitimate financial or reputational risks for the network as a whole, protecting both consumers and other legitimate businesses. For example, industries with higher rates of chargebacks or fraud, or those that attract significant regulatory scrutiny, might be deemed higher risk, not necessarily for political reasons, but due to demonstrable financial liabilities. The piece acknowledges that "Financial services have historically blocked businesses for a myriad of political reasons, including: abortion clinics, gun stores, fossil fuel industries, pornography, and charities", but it's important to consider that some of these industries, regardless of their legality, might present elevated compliance costs or fraud risks that financial institutions are trying to manage.

Second, the article proposes strengthening S.401 by allowing civil relief, punitive damages, and attorney's fees for injured parties who sue payment networks. While this might seem to empower businesses, it could also lead to an explosion of litigation against payment networks. This increased legal burden and potential for significant financial penalties could make payment processing more expensive and less efficient for everyone. If networks face excessive liability for their risk assessments, they might become overly cautious, leading to a more restrictive environment for all businesses, not just those deemed "risky." This could stifle innovation and increase costs for consumers as well. The current multi-layered system, though complex, was originally designed to avoid antitrust liabilities , and while the piece argues it functions as a monopoly, disrupting its risk management capabilities could have unforeseen negative consequences for the stability and security of the entire financial ecosystem.

Finally, while the article emphasizes the lack of competition and choice for merchants regarding card networks, it overlooks the fact that the established networks (Visa, Mastercard, etc.) provide a universally accepted and highly secure payment infrastructure that benefits millions of consumers and businesses globally. Building and maintaining such a system requires significant investment and ongoing security measures. Overly burdensome regulations on these networks, without addressing the underlying reasons for their perceived monopolistic behavior, could inadvertently harm the very efficiency and broad acceptance that merchants and consumers currently enjoy.

Grok

Summary of the Opinion Piece’s Main Arguments​


  1. Monopolistic Power of Payment Networks: Payment card networks (e.g., Visa, Mastercard) and their intermediaries (issuing banks, payment processors, etc.) operate as a de facto monopoly, with no real competition since 1985. They impose restrictive terms of service, high transaction fees (3%+), and can arbitrarily deny service without transparency or appeal.
  2. Lack of Accountability: These private companies can block transactions for political or reputational reasons (e.g., targeting abortion clinics, gun stores, or pornography), with no obligation to provide equitable access, unlike public utilities.
  3. Weakness of S.401: The Fair Access to Banking Act aims to prevent financial institutions and services from denying service based on political or reputational risks but lacks sufficient enforcement mechanisms, especially against payment networks. The proposed penalties (10% of damages, capped at $10,000 per violation) are inadequate, and reliance on the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency (OCC) is ineffective due to discretionary enforcement and legal barriers (e.g., SEC v. Jarkesy ruling).
  4. Proposed Fixes: The bill should allow injured parties to sue in federal court, provide punitive damages and full compensation, and cover legal fees to deter censorious behavior and empower businesses and consumers.
  5. Call to Action: Individuals should contact their Senators and Representatives to support S.401 and advocate for stronger provisions, emphasizing the impact of financial service denials.

Counterarguments to the Opinion Piece​


1. Monopolistic Power of Payment Networks​


Piece’s Claim: Payment networks act as a monopoly, with no competition since 1985, imposing high fees and restrictive terms that harm merchants and limit consumer choice.


Counterarguments:


  • Economic Perspective: While Visa and Mastercard dominate (processing ~80% of U.S. card transactions), competition exists in alternative payment systems. Digital wallets (e.g., PayPal, Apple Pay), cryptocurrencies, and emerging fintech platforms (e.g., Stripe, Square) provide merchants with options outside traditional card networks. For example, PayPal processed $1.53 trillion in payment volume in 2023, showing viable alternatives. The piece overstates the lack of competition by focusing solely on card networks.
  • Practical Perspective: High transaction fees (2-3% on average) are partly due to fraud prevention, infrastructure costs, and rewards programs, which benefit consumers. Merchants can negotiate rates with processors or pass fees to consumers via surcharges (legal in most U.S. states since 2013). The claim that merchants have “no alternatives” ignores these options and the growing adoption of non-card payment methods.
  • Legal Perspective: Antitrust laws already provide mechanisms to challenge monopolistic behavior. The Department of Justice sued Visa in 2024 for alleged anticompetitive practices, suggesting existing legal frameworks can address monopoly concerns without new legislation. The piece’s assertion that the system was designed to “avoid antitrust liabilities” lacks evidence and oversimplifies the historical development of payment networks.

2. Lack of Accountability​


Piece’s Claim: Payment networks can deny service for political or reputational reasons without transparency or appeal, wielding unchecked power unlike regulated utilities.


Counterarguments:


  • Economic Perspective: Private companies, including payment networks, have the right to manage risk by setting terms of service. Denying service to high-risk industries (e.g., pornography, gambling) is often driven by fraud, chargeback risks, or regulatory compliance (e.g., anti-money laundering laws), not just politics. For example, the adult industry has a chargeback rate of 1-2%, significantly higher than retail’s 0.5%. Forcing networks to serve all legal businesses could increase costs for all merchants and consumers.
  • Legal Perspective: Comparing payment networks to public utilities is misleading. Utilities are natural monopolies with government-granted exclusivity, whereas payment networks operate in a competitive (albeit concentrated) market. Imposing utility-like regulations could stifle innovation and deter new entrants, as seen in heavily regulated sectors like telecommunications.
  • Practical Perspective: The piece’s examples of denied businesses (e.g., gun stores, abortion clinics) are often targeted due to regulatory pressures, not arbitrary censorship. For instance, post-2018 Parkland shooting, banks faced public and shareholder pressure to limit services to firearms businesses. Transparency in denials could compromise proprietary risk models or invite legal challenges from bad actors, complicating legitimate risk management.

3. Weakness of S.401​


Piece’s Claim: S.401’s penalties for payment networks (10% of damages, capped at $10,000) are too weak, and OCC enforcement is ineffective due to discretionary powers and the SEC v. Jarkesy ruling.


Counterarguments:


  • Legal Perspective: The $10,000 cap per violation is not insignificant when multiplied across numerous violations. For a large network like Visa, repeated violations could accumulate into millions, especially if courts interpret “per violation” broadly (e.g., per transaction or merchant). The piece underestimates this deterrent effect.
  • Practical Perspective: The SEC v. Jarkesy ruling (2024) limits Administrative Law Judges but doesn’t eliminate OCC enforcement. The OCC can still pursue penalties through federal courts, as seen in prior cases against banks for unfair practices. The piece assumes the OCC will never act, which is speculative and ignores political pressures on regulators to enforce consumer-friendly laws.
  • Economic Perspective: Weak penalties may be intentional to balance regulation with market dynamics. Overly harsh penalties could drive payment networks to relocate offshore or pass compliance costs to merchants and consumers, raising transaction fees. The piece doesn’t consider this trade-off, assuming stronger penalties are universally beneficial.

4. Proposed Fixes​


Piece’s Claim: S.401 should allow injured parties to sue in federal court, provide punitive damages and full compensation, and cover legal fees to deter payment network misconduct.


Counterarguments:


  • Legal Perspective: Allowing private lawsuits without regulatory oversight could flood courts with frivolous claims, overwhelming the system and increasing costs for all parties. For example, the Telephone Consumer Protection Act’s private right of action led to billions in lawsuits, often benefiting lawyers more than consumers. The piece’s proposal risks similar abuse.
  • Economic Perspective: Punitive damages and legal fee awards could deter legitimate risk management by payment networks, forcing them to serve high-risk clients (e.g., fraud-prone businesses) and increasing costs for all users. In 2023, global card fraud losses reached $33 billion; requiring networks to serve risky clients could exacerbate this, harming merchants and consumers.
  • Practical Perspective: Transparent appeals processes, as suggested, could be exploited by bad actors (e.g., money launderers) to delay or avoid bans. The piece assumes all denied businesses are legitimate, ignoring cases where denials protect the system. For instance, PayPal’s 2022 crackdown on accounts linked to misinformation campaigns was controversial but aimed to curb illegal activity.

5. Call to Action​


Piece’s Claim: Contacting representatives to support S.401 and advocate for stronger provisions is effective and necessary to address payment network abuses.


Counterarguments:


  • Practical Perspective: While civic engagement is valuable, the piece overstates the impact of individual letters to representatives. Congressional priorities are often driven by lobbying groups, campaign donors, or high-profile issues, not individual constituent letters. For example, financial services lobbying in 2024 exceeded $400 million, dwarfing grassroots efforts.
  • Economic Perspective: Stronger regulations, as proposed, could have unintended consequences, such as reduced access to payment services in underserved regions. Small merchants in rural areas already face higher fees due to risk; further regulation could lead networks to exit low-profit markets, harming the very businesses the bill aims to protect.
  • Legal Perspective: The piece assumes stronger provisions would pass Congress, but bipartisan support for S.401 is uncertain. Financial services are a powerful lobby, and similar bills (e.g., 2019’s Payment Choice Act) stalled due to industry pushback. The proposed fixes may be politically unfeasible, especially in a divided Congress.

Additional Considerations​


  • Data Gaps: The piece claims payment networks have blocked businesses like abortion clinics and charities but provides no specific examples or data on the scale of these denials. Without evidence, it’s hard to assess the problem’s magnitude. For instance, a 2023 study by the Payments Association found only 0.2% of merchant account terminations were due to “reputational risk,” suggesting the issue may be overstated.
  • Alternative Solutions: The piece focuses on legislative fixes but ignores market-driven solutions. New payment platforms (e.g., blockchain-based systems) are reducing reliance on traditional networks. Encouraging innovation might address the problem more effectively than regulation, which could lag behind technology.
  • Consumer Impact: The piece emphasizes merchant harm but downplays consumer benefits from the current system, like convenience, fraud protection, and rewards programs. Heavy regulation could reduce these benefits, as seen in the EU’s 2015 Interchange Fee Regulation, which capped fees but reduced cardholder perks.

Conclusion​


Your friend’s opinion piece raises valid concerns about the power of payment networks and the need for fair access to financial services. However, it oversimplifies the competitive landscape, underestimates existing legal and market checks, and proposes solutions that could create unintended economic and legal consequences. While S.401 addresses some issues, its weaknesses may reflect a deliberate balance to avoid over-regulating a complex industry. Strengthening the bill as suggested (e.g., private lawsuits, punitive damages) could empower merchants but risks higher costs, frivolous litigation, and reduced innovation.

Copilot:

Counterarguments and Points to Address​

1. Payment Networks Are Already Regulated​

  • Visa, Mastercard, and their partners operate under federal oversight (Federal Reserve, CFPB, OCC, DOJ antitrust) and must file network rules publicly. They can’t act entirely at whim without exposing themselves to enforcement actions under banking, consumer‐protection, and antitrust statutes.
  • Many so‐called “censorship” decisions stem from federally mandated fraud, AML/BSA, and sanctions compliance—distinguishing proper risk‐based de-risking from political suppression is critical.

2. Multi‐Layered Architecture Safeguards Consumers​

  • The six-step chain (issuer → gateway → processor → facilitator → acquirer → network) isn’t arbitrary monopolism; it distributes liability, enhances fraud controls, and ensures resilience. Flattening these roles risks concentrating systemic vulnerabilities and raising costs for everyone.

3. Alternatives and Competitive Pressures Exist​

  • Merchants can already pivot to:
    • ACH rails (including real-time services like FedNow).
    • Digital wallets and P2P networks (PayPal, Venmo, Zelle).
    • Niche card networks (JCB, UnionPay) or cryptocurrency-based rails for cross-border, low-fee transfers.
  • Brick-and-mortar and online competitors (e.g., Square, Stripe, Adyen) vie for market share, applying downward pressure on fees and network restrictions.

4. S.401 Provides Private Civil Remedies​

  • Contrary to the op-ed’s claim that only the OCC can enforce penalties, S.401 explicitly grants merchants and individuals the right to sue in federal court—no agency permission required—with potential treble damages and recovery of attorney’s fees if they prevail.
  • TrackBill’s summary confirms the bill “establishes the right for a person to bring a civil action for a violation” (including punitive remedies).

5. The Civil-Penalty Cap Can Accumulate​

  • The “up to 10 percent of service value, not to exceed $10,000 per violation” cap applies per merchant or incident. Large networks processing trillions of dollars face the prospect of many separate violations, creating real economic deterrents.

6. Enforcement Paths Beyond ALJs​

  • While SEC v. Jarkesy limited certain ALJ proceedings, the Comptroller of the Currency retains authority to impose orders, consent decrees, and civil actions through Article III courts. There remain practical avenues to hold networks to account.

7. Refinements to Strengthen S.401​

To balance merchant protections with system integrity, consider:

  • Implementing expedited arbitration or mediation for merchant-network disputes to avoid clogging federal dockets.
  • Linking network compliance to core Fed privileges (e.g., master-account access), creating an immediate operational lever.
  • Mandating clear adverse-action notices that cite specific statutory sections and risk-based criteria, fostering transparent pre-litigation resolution.
–– Payment-system reform must reconcile merchant rights, consumer safety, and fraud prevention. By clarifying “political or reputational risk,” adding graduated penalties, and building swift dispute-resolution channels, S.401 can deter true abuse without undermining the rails that undergird the U.S. economy.
 
Fuel for the fire is never wasted. They called it the Pelosi ACT. If Trump can get the party on board it becomes a game of daring Democrats to vote against it. Perfect midterm fodder.
You force the DNC to vote against it by targeting people like Pelosi and then have a few randoms in the GOP nobody cares about also vote against it so it doesn't pass but it can be held over the democrats heads for being against anti-corruption bills and all that.
 
Banning Insider Trading. Holy kek. Is it actually HAPPENING?
It was already banned once. They just adjusted the ban until it didn't affect them. I'd be surprised if it doesn't happen again.

Asking our public servants to sacrifice -- not invest in billions of dollars over the very things they're overseeing -- is a bridge too far in 2025.
 
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