African-American Appreciation Thread - Not Actually an Appreciation Thread

I've mentioned it before but I genuinely hate this industry plant, by jews, nigger. He does 0 things interesting and gets praise from the lowest common denominator of viewers, other niggers, who then suck his ass like Obama in 08".


You have no idea how serious this problem is. Niggers and literally narcotics to white women. White women choosing niggers over white men stresses white civilization. White men won't date a women who's been with a nigger, this increases competition about what's left. It's always really good looking ones that go for niggers. I'm starting to understand why they would execute pretty girls first during war, motivation.
I remember reading statistics about it: three percent. That's about it.
And, please, recall the bell curve: about 3% of 100-average people have an IQ of 72 or less.
A trend, which is fueled by jeets no less. They get off on it
Hey.
I did notice this "trend" in Spain, too: Moroccans, and peoples of other African countries, are editing pictures and adding captions of their own, implying that this or that beautiful Mediterranean woman is akshually eager for some BBC. The only issue is that, obviously, it's a lie.
But the image of the girl is real; the text isn't. Regardless, one could now make AI videos of AI-generated women and the point would remain: no matter whether the message is founded on lies or not, its effect is true.
 
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Darryl Cooper has caused some controversy with some of his positions on the activities of the Germans during World War II, but before doing that, he wrote a series of paywalled Substack articles called "Blacks and Jews". I realize that's really not helping my case for you reading this instead of going onto A&N, but his work really is better than that. Let me try and prove that to you by continuing my series of abridged informational blog posts, with some information from these articles.

Part 2 of the Series
New York. In 1964, most white Americans thought of the civil rights movement as a campaign to end legal segregation and solidify the democratic rights of black people in the former slave states. It was understood quite explicitly as finishing the job Reconstruction started, which is to say that it was considered by most white Americans outside the South almost as a foreign policy issue. Christopher Caldwell, in his excellent book Age of Entitlement, draws on polls, media reports, and political debates of the day to demonstrate that whites in the North and West believed that the movement had nothing to do with them. They believed the Civil Rights Act of ‘64 was a limited, emergency measure to give the federal government tools to use against Southern states unlawfully refusing black citizens their civil, legal, and political rights. They believed that because that’s how it was sold to them, and Caldwell believes that most of the salesmen believed it, too.
...
Blacks had been migrating into the cities for decades by the 1960s, but like most immigrants the first generation tended to keep their heads down and do their best to conform to the new environment. Their new circumstances were far from perfect, but at first glance it seemed to be better than Jim Crow. All of them knew from first-hand experience that drawing the ire of white people carried serious consequences, and they tried to avoid conflict with their new neighbors. But their kids were a different story.

(Some Jewish guy's personal story about winning a running meet in middle school because one of the all-black teams cheated and was disqualified, and then getting beat up by the black kids when he fails to give them his medal because he doesn't have it on him).

Among the many causes of white flight, irrational prejudice is the only one permitted to be mentioned in polite society, but concern for the immediate safety of one’s children will drive even committed white liberals to start looking at real estate in the suburbs. Black kids in the ‘40s and ‘50s had grown up in a white country, with white teachers and white politicians, white shop owners and landlords and cops, white heroes in the movies and on TV. They’d seen their parents bear insults that deserved retaliation, and heard their warnings to give the white man a wide berth. What a revelation, then, that the white man’s children were afraid of them.
In his book Soul On Ice, Black Panther Minister of Information Eldridge Cleaver (I’ll let others debate the question of whether he or his editors at Ramparts magazine actually did the writing) describes the special pleasure he took in raping white women. “I did this consciously, deliberately, willfully, methodically… Rape was an insurrectionary act… I felt I was getting revenge.” Cleaver is giving us a look at the intoxicating sense of power that comes from striking fear into someone perceived as an oppressor. “What the Negro has discovered,” wrote James Baldwin approvingly, “is the power to intimidate.”
By the time this first generation of ghetto kids reached young adulthood, the urban situation was deteriorating rapidly. Already by the 1950s the black family had begun its decline, and more and more children were being born fatherless. Drugs were beginning to take hold and gangs were growing in strength. Violent crime began a climb that wouldn’t turn around until the early 1990s. Property values collapsed, and the white ethnics in the neighborhoods where most blacks lived fled as fast as their incomes allowed, taking their social and economic capital with them. Over the course of just one or two decades, neighborhoods that had been mixed became predominantly black, or, in the case of New York City, black and Puerto Rican. When World War 2 came to an end, there were about 130,000 black New Yorkers; by 1964, there were 1.1 million. The number of schools in which minorities (mostly black) made up 90% of the student body tripled in the ten years after 1955. Integration became a moving target. Schools which, as recently as 1955 or even 1960, had been considered “integrated” became, by the mid-60s, almost entirely black and Puerto Rican.

...

...while the overall number of white K-12 students in New York City dropped by 8% from 1956 to 1963, the number of black students grew by 53% in those same years. The city tried to keep up. The American social historian Fred Siegel wrote:

School spending in New York doubled between 1956 and 1967 (while the city population remained the same), and the number of educational personnel grew 60% between 1960 and 1965. The rapidly growing school budget paid for programs in “cultural enrichment.” This meant money for concerts and museum trips, as well as for extra math and reading teachers for some schools. Psychologists, guidance counselors, and teacher coordinators joined the staff.

In the name of leveling up, New York, wrote Charles Silberman, “added a staggering number of special services to schools in slum areas.” At the time, the city spent some two hundred dollars more per pupil in slum areas than in white middle-class schools [italics mine]. Then in 1964 the United Federation of Teachers (the New York City teachers’ union) backed the More Effective Schools program, which “provided saturation-level services for ghetto schools, including reduced class sizes, two and sometimes three teachers per class, reading specialists and extended class hours.”
(End quote)
(The heavily Jewish teachers and school administrators were pro-civil-rights liberals; the president of the United Federation of Teachers had actually marched with Martin Luther King, Jr. at Selma in 1965).

Consciously or unconsciously many of the teachers saw their black students and parents as new immigrants to New York City. Their mission, as they saw it, was to prepare their students to travel a path to success already mapped and proven by previous waves of peasant immigrants from the backward corners of Europe. It was a natural perspective for Jewish teachers and administrators whose own parents had immigrated from the Russian Empire and benefited from the settlement houses pioneered by Jane Addams to acculturate new immigrants to life in America. Nevertheless, it chafed on a growing number of black activists.

(They wanted) “community control” - simply put, black communities should be run by black people. The schools should have black teachers, the streets should be policed by black cops, the businesses should be controlled by black owners. [At the time, the demand seemed less radical than it probably does today, since it was more or less how things had always worked in most American big cities. For example, Jewish predominance in New York’s public school system was a legacy of an ethnic patronage system that for years had ceded control of police and fire departments to the Irish, trash collection and construction to the Italians].

(The UFT did not want this).
Part 3 of the Series (an Aside)
Historian Fred Siegel writes:
Watts was unlike any earlier riot. We are still living in its aftermath. Watts, the first major riot to be televised, inspired subsequent “rebellions” in Washington, DC, Detroit, and Newark. The immediate damage to Los Angeles was obvious: thirty-four people, almost all black, were dead; whole blocks had been razed; and almost four thousand arrests had been made. Much of Watts was never rebuilt, and neither was the relative optimism regarding race and integration that had briefly held sway in the wake of the historic 1963 Civil Rights March on Washington…

The immediate response to Watts… was to see it as the work of a small group of street toughs and criminals. The toughs were involved, but the breadth of the participation suggested something much more ominous. Los Angeles was a city with an expanding black middle class, a city that, according to a National Urban League survey, ranked first among major American cities in the quality of black life. Yet post-riot surveys showed that the rioters represented a cross-section of black South Central Los Angeles. What had happened for blacks of all classes was that the surge in collective consciousness flowing out of the Southern civil rights struggle broke down barriers to the expression of the rage and hostility that had built up for so long.

The “primitive rebels” of the Watts uprising, some of them gang members, were little concerned with integration and much concerned with authenticity and the power of violence to wipe away historic humiliations. “Who has not dreamed,” asked James Baldwin, “of that fantastical violence which will drown in blood, wash away in blood, not only generation upon generation of horror, but will also release one from the individual horror, carried everywhere in the heart.”

(Editor's Note: that cleansing blood was already shed in the Civil War, you degenerate sodomite jigaboo).

Paul Williams, a young participant in the riots, described their almost mystical effect on him: “Everyone felt high. It was like an out-of-memory period… Before you were hoping for freedom within the civil rights movement, and when you came out the other end you hoped for liberation.”
(End quote)

Mass media coverage of the Watts violence caused the race riot to metastasize in the same way that nationwide coverage of the Columbine High School massacre led to the proliferation of school shootings.

(Some discussion on the psychology of rioting, with the conclusion that its objective is a kind of self-destruction).
Essayist and Sixties vet Paul Berman wrote that one of the remarkable things about the era was how rapidly new ideas migrated from fringe opinions to consensus truths. The Black Panthers’ Mao- and Malcolm-inspired militancy was to be heard from a few Harlem street preachers in the early ‘60s, but by the summer of 1967 was found in every city with a black ghetto. An ideology of rebellion, rejection, and defiance for their own sake had firmly taken hold.

...

The Weathermen were about as radical and violent as the white left got in the 1960s and ‘70s, which is to say very radical, but not so violent. They just didn’t have it in them. The black militants were built very differently. Crime and drugs were beginning to sweep through the inner cities, and in many neighborhoods and housing projects street gangs became ubiquitous. By the late 1960s, the black family was in full collapse, and the frustration and despair of poverty, substance abuse, and single motherhood brought violence into many homes. By 1970, most inner city black kids would have personally witnessed or participated in a riot, sometimes more than one. This is a long way of saying something really quite obvious: inner city black kids had a familiarity and comfort with violence that the white student radicals could only fantasize about, and this difference was reflected in the scale of the damage when the two groups entered their terminal phase of radical militancy. The Weathermen, for all their posturing, ended up killing more of themselves than anyone else; the Black Liberation Army, to cite just one group of black militants, ambushed and assassinated dozens of police officers across the country.
Part 4 of the Series
As the weather warmed in early 1968, Americans were preparing for another summer of racial violence. Riots had increased in number and severity each year since Watts (1965), and there was no reason to believe that ‘68 would break the trend. The previous year, black residents of Detroit had fought pitched battles with the police amidst a city in flames, and only the intervention of the 82nd and 101st Airborne Divisions succeeded in putting down the insurrection. When it was over, wrote the Detroit News, what was left was “something worse than a slum.” The ruined downtown resembled “inscrutable megaliths in a wilderness of rubble so desolate that you can stand in the middle of Woodward St., the heart of the riot, at midday and not see a single auto for miles in any direction.” Forty-three people were killed in five days and nights of violence. The Detroit riot came just a week after a race riot in Newark that had left 26 people dead. The Long, Hot Summer of ‘67 eventually saw mass violence in over 150 towns and cities across the country.

The black novelist James Baldwin wrote that, “Black has become a beautiful color not because it is loved, but because it is feared.”
The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) had purged all of its white (mostly Jewish) members in 1967 and was now under the control of H. Rap Brown, a murderous militant who was emblematic of the changes that had taken place in the black rights movement since the focus shifted to the major cities. From his large platform, Brown openly called on black people to launch a Viet Cong-style guerilla war against white America.
General_William_T._Sherman_(4190887790)_(cropped).jpg
Wikipedia Screenshot.jpg

(I wonder how this picture of, and these quotes from, General Sherman got here)?


People who lived in or near the riot zones didn’t need to consult the newspapers to know what was coming. Violence - small-scale, random street corner violence - was proliferating in every major city in America. Detroit’s infamous Halloween Eve “Devil’s Night” had been known since the 1940s as a night when the city’s youth engaged in minor pranks and acts of vandalism - egging, toilet papering, leaving rotten vegetables or bags of dog crap on someone’s porch. By the late ‘60s, Devil’s Night was used each year by youth gangs to set fire to buildings, and to rob, beat, and sometimes kill locals unlucky enough to be caught outside. The murder rate nearly tripled during the decade, in New York and other cities across the country. Things were falling apart, and to many people it was not inconceivable that the violence could spiral into a real insurgency - if not like Vietnam, then at least like Algiers, or maybe Northern Ireland.

Working and middle class whites fled the increasingly-black neighborhoods where most of the violence was concentrated as fast as their incomes allowed. Private schools proliferated as parents sought to protect their children from dangerous public schools. By 1967, school violence was so bad in New York that the United Federation of Teachers went on strike for two weeks to defend its members’ right to discipline seriously disruptive students, and to demand a police presence in the worst schools (a measure against which teachers had previously fought). They were opposed by the African-American Teachers’ Association (ATA), which argued that “the very concept of the disruptive child was an expression of white middle-class cultural bias against black culture.”

(Editor's note: nothing ever fucking changes with these people).

ATA member teachers were using their classrooms to radicalize and indoctrinate their students into the ideology of black nationalism. Politics was used as an excuse for violence, as when a gang of Puerto Rican students “rampaged” (NYT) through Eastern District High School in Brooklyn after accusing a Jewish teacher of harassing them. School district bosses, fearful of being tagged as racists, ignored the teachers’ pleas for help. Students got the message that their teachers and principals were powerless, and any semblance of order evaporated in many schools.

(I repeat myself).
Harold Salzman, a liberal, Jewish teacher and union leader in New York City during this time, wrote about what happened in a book called Race War in High School: The Ten-Year Destruction of Franklin K. Lane High School. Salzman reported that teachers “had been told to avoid confrontations with black students” at all costs, and that they should not expect the support of the district if an incident resulted from their failure to do so. Salzman wrote:
‘Don’t enforce the rules where black students are concerned,’ they were continually advised. ‘Let the blacks do their own thing. Don’t compel them to produce identification cards. Don’t require them to stand for the morning pledge of allegiance exercise even though it is required by state law. Don’t make an issue over their refusal to remove their hats in the school building. And above all, remember that these are changing times, and are you sure you don’t harbor racist attitudes?’

In a variety of ways, sometimes subtle, sometimes more direct, most of Lane’s teachers had gotten that message from its own administration and from the central school board. In this turbulent era, the New York City school board wasn’t even backing up its own principals. At any given time there were more than twenty of them cooling their heels at board headquarters after having been ‘promoted’ to a desk job at 110 Livingston Street as a result of pressure from black militants.

If a principal couldn’t expect the support of the school board on matters related to fundamental school discipline, no less violence and lawlessness, it followed that a principal wouldn’t put his own neck on the line by sustaining a teacher who was foolish enough to try to break up a dice game or report a drug transaction on school premises. The name of the game for Lane’s teachers had become, ‘Mind your own business and don’t get involved,’ because, they learned, in New York’s tempestuous school system the ax most often fell not on the incompetent, but on a dedicated teacher who tried to do an honest job for his day’s pay.
For a complex set of reasons, New York City was largely spared any mass violence while other cities burned in the summer of ‘67. In the aftermath, President Lyndon Johnson set up the National Advisory Committee on Civil Disturbances - better known as the Kerner Commission - to study the causes of the rise in urban violence, and NYC mayor John Lindsay was tapped to lead it. (He was proto-woke, and the Kerner Report reflected this): it concluded that the causes of urban violence were economic inequality, failed social services, police brutality, and media bias - all of which existed, and continued to exist, because of the racism, latent or active, in the hearts of white Americans.

...

(The woke mayor then got the Ford Foundation, headed by) former Harvard dean and JFK & LBJ National Security Advisor, McGeorge Bundy, to assess the causes and propose solutions for the ongoing deterioration, particularly in black-majority schools. Bundy’s tenure at the Ford Foundation was defined by its focus on racial issues. Taking the advice of black activists, he began pouring the Foundation’s resources into poorly-vetted local “community groups” in a boondoggle that was a domestic prelude to the US government’s dilemma in its covert war against Syria in the 2010s: with few resources on the ground to sort through local complexities and figure out who was who, they relied on self-appointed community representatives to tell them where to spend their money - much of which was siphoned off to local scam artists and the very militant organizations stoking violence in the ghetto. When they weren’t funding urban decay, outfits like the Ford Foundation were studying it, and that was what Mayor Lindsay had tapped McGeorge Bundy to do in New York City schools.

The panel commissioned by Bundy to look into the issue consisted of university professors, black community activists, and wealthy philanthropists - but no K-12 teachers or school administrators.

...

(The Bundy Report promoted "community control" of the schools, which meant a return to an ethnic spoils system).

(Per historian Fred Siegel):
The African-American Teachers’ Association wanted what amounted to publicly financed black nationalist schools organized around the ideas of Marcus Garvey and Malcolm X. Like (Eldridge) Cleaver, the ATA wanted to assert pure blackness unsullied by the need to hyphenate into an African-Americanism. They wanted to eliminate the second half of the hyphenated term, to speak not of African-American but of Africans in America. The ATA, notes historian Jerry Podair, saw universalism as a Jewish liberal trick, a means by which Jews who did better academically by white standards would continue to hold on to jobs in the board of education. They pitted “that which is private and ethnic as against that which is public and culture-blind.” They insisted that racial cultures were so separate that only black teachers could teach black children effectively.

Individualism and personal merit, the ATA argued, was a “myth” perpetuated by whites to create “black versions of the white middle class” or “black Anglo-Saxons.” The ATA called for an “alternative black value system” based on principles of “collective work and responsibility,” “cooperative economics,” and unity; giftedness in black children could be measured by a willingness to challenge authority.

(The UFT didn't want this, but the mayor went ahead with an experiment in "community control").
The community control experiment began with a pilot program in three districts. Two of them came off without much trouble. The third was the Ocean Hill/Brownsville district in Brooklyn, and there the worst fears of the UFT were realized almost immediately. During the debate over decentralization, the teachers had warned that, in practice, “community control” would not mean more involvement by concerned parents, but a takeover of the schools by radical activists, who were organized and prepared to take advantage of the reforms before they were even implemented. That’s exactly what happened at Ocean Hill/Brownsville.

A radical black principal named Rhody McCoy was chosen to take charge of the district. McCoy was an acolyte of Malcolm X, often visiting him at his home and attending the mosque where Malcolm preached.

...

Still, the UFT tried at first to be accommodative. A few teachers were uncomfortable with the direction of the program, and when McCoy demanded that they be transferred to another school, they agreed and the union expedited the move. Then the new community control board began implementing curriculum changes which included advocacy for black separatism and revolution. Pictures of Malcolm X, Elijah Muhammad, and black nationalist slogans went up on the walls of classrooms taught by black radical teachers. A few black teachers began holding extra-curricular training in martial arts and guerilla warfare tactics. Like the activists behind Lincoln Detox who believed the way to cure drug dependency in black and brown people was to give them purpose by indoctrinating them into revolutionary politics, black radical teachers turned their classrooms into training centers for black militants. White children were being openly discriminated against by some black teachers. Classes sometimes became struggle sessions, with white students being used as foils for the teachers’ racial harangues. More white teachers became alarmed at what was happening, and this time McCoy didn’t wait for cooperation from the teachers’ union to act, and summarily fired thirteen UFT teachers and two administrators for ideological noncompliance. Such a flagrant violation of the teachers’ contract with the city forced the union’s hand, and UFT members across the city walked off the job in protest.

The city government was paralyzed on the issue. Mayor Lindsay, facing a tough election campaign and already looking ahead to a future run for President, did not want any trouble. The union took the fired teachers’ case to court, which ruled their dismissal had been illegal and ordered them reinstated. McCoy simply ignored the judge. He called on local black militants to blockade the school doors to prevent the teachers from returning to their jobs. Those who tried were threatened, harassed, sometimes worse. Mayor Lindsay, with the support of the Ford Foundation and the ACLU, refused to have the police enforce the court order. Again and again, in arguments with UFT president Al Shanker, Lindsay asked, “Do you want the city to burn down?” Shanker in turn accused Lindsay of being cowed by blackmail.

(The relationship then deteriorated).

(Conflict between black and Jewish teachers).
Harold Salzman, the teacher and union leader quoted above, described a notorious incident involving a popular chemistry teacher named Frank Siracusa. Just before the beginning of one of his classes, Siracusa was preparing the classroom when a large rock crashed through the second-story window, sending glass spraying across the room. The teacher inched up to the window, half-expecting to be hit with another volley. He looked down and saw two black youths brazenly staring up at him.

Salzman says Siracusa was one of the more engaged teachers at the school, and had spoken out against the increasingly lawlessness at staff meetings - a stance that drew the ire of black activists in the African-American Teachers Association (ATA) and may have led to his targeting. Fatefully, he decided that he had a responsibility to address the situation, and he went downstairs to confront the students.

Slowly, he approached the two tall youngsters who by now were joined by a third youth, somewhat shorter and younger, but with as menacing a veneer as the older pair.

“I’m Mr. Siracusa,” he said quietly. “I’m a teacher, not a cop, and I would like to know who broke my window.”

There was no reply, no discussion, not even a denial or an argument. In a flash, one of the youngsters drew a water pistol from his jacket pocket, spraying the teacher’s outer garments with a liquid that was later discovered to be a highly-flammable lighter fluid.

Siracusa was befuddled. “What’s this all about?” he thought to himself. For a brief moment Siracusa figured it to be a juvenile prank, unaware that one of the trio was circling behind him. Suddenly, he felt a thunderous blow crashing into his spine. As he dropped to the ground, anguishing in pain, defenseless, he felt the smashing of fists against his jaw and the pounding of booted heels into his groin. Lying helpless on the cold concrete, barely conscious, he sensed the burning flames from his overcoat, which had been set afire by his assailants, who then left him there as a potential immolation fatality.
Siracusa was physically and emotionally scarred, but survived the attack. By December 1968, Salzman wrote, “the situation inside the school had become intolerable.”

The deterioration was complete. Nobody was safe, as gangs of black youths, many wearing the berets and insignia of the Panthers, roamed the halls, ringing fire alarms, breaking windows, setting fires, and assaulting any white youth who dared go into a lavatory in any part of the building that was not under the supervision of an adult…

Among the numerous incidents that shocked the staff during those December weeks was the ugly unprovoked attack by five black girls against a young white girl. The hideous assault occurred in the auditorium, which was being used as a study hall due to the shortage of classroom space. Brutally attacking their victim, laughing and chanting, they stripped her of her clothing from the waist up. Viciously and sadistically they punched her in the face and left her lying there helpless, half-naked and hysterical. Her only crime: the color of her skin.
In another incident that same month, a young white female teacher was sexually assaulted by a black student on school grounds. In her after-incident report, she wrote:

A matter of two minutes passed between the leaving of my students and the point where I walked into the storeroom. He followed me and grabbed me from behind around the throat. I felt that I could not breathe. He pulled me to the floor, he on top of me, pulling tighter and tighter against my throat. At this point, I had no breath and the pain in my throat was unbearable. I started to black out. I then became hysterical, throwing anything I could put my hands on, kicking, fighting, and yelling, ‘Please don’t kill me!’ During the fight the boy had ripped off my chain belt, torn my stockings to shreds. Blood was pouring out of my mouth and all over my clothes. The extent of the rape I could not tell, as I was only semi-conscious the entire time. The only thought I had was that of losing my life.
That same week, a white teacher named Michael Bedinger responded to a small explosion in a cafeteria, which he found crowded with unsupervised students. In his after-incident report, he wrote:
During my prep (preparation) period, I was informed by students that there were no teachers in the students’ cafeteria. I went down to the cafeteria, located in the basement, and called the dean’s office. I noticed students stealing supplies. I went to pick up a box dropped on the floor. At that time my path was blocked by a male Negro student. I stood there for two seconds, did nothing, said nothing. At that time the student punched me in the jaw without provocation. As I started to chase him, I was kicked, shoved, and punched. Trays, garbage, and cake were thrown at me. I was spit upon and attacked by a large number of students - at least thirty…
Salzman picks up the story:
Bedinger, weeping and holding an ice pack to his swollen eye, made a direct report of the incident to an emergency meeting of the (union) chapter council that afternoon. Then, Tony LeMarca, a health education teacher who was in charge of supervision in the cafeteria, told about having witnessed the attack on Bedinger. LeMarca was a stalwart on the faculty, well-liked by the students. But on this day, visibly shaken and on the verge of tears, he blurted out the rest of the story of how he tried to apprehend Bedinger’s assailant. In his written report to the principal, he said:
‘As I was escorting him - the assailant - to the dean’s office, the following events occurred: 1) His friends came running from the cafeteria and surrounded me. 2) As they surrounded me, they began taunting and shouting at me, ‘White motherfucker! What are you gonna do now?’
LeMarca told of just barely being able to escape from the hostile mob, and tears rolled down his face as he told his colleagues, ‘And these were kids I’ve known for a long time, kids I have in the gym and with whom I thought I had a close rapport. But out there it was like I was a perfect stranger to them. All that seemed to matter was that they were black and I was white.
What I’ve quoted here is only a small sample of incidents that occurred within just a few weeks at a single Brooklyn high school, and Franklin K. Lane High School was not unique. (The book which these quotes come from is Race War in High School, by Harold Saltzman. I think a PDF is posted on this very website).
Part 5 of the Series
Elite liberals like John Lindsay abased themselves to show that they were down for the cause, and did their best to redirect black rage away from their penthouses and onto the humble homes of middle- and working-class whites. Siegel continues:
When Lindsay ran for reelection in 1969, he pioneered the top-bottom political coalition that would increasingly come to define liberalism. Lindsay’s two opponents in the campaign both attracted white lower-middle-class and middle-class supporters who were enraged by the mayor, whom they mocked as a “limousine liberal.” Faced with this, Lindsay cleverly jettisoned the intermediate stratum of society for a political alliance of the black and Puerto Rican poor on the one hand and wealthy white liberals on the other.
(End quote)

Despite the legislative and judicial triumphs of the early Sixties, by the end of the decade black Americans were worse off than ever before, and things were only getting worse. They were more alienated from the mainstream of American life, and more isolated than ever in ghettos hollowed out by crime and racial violence. The Vietnam War had put enough strain on the federal budget to justify cutting Great Society welfare programs to the bone. The white activists who’d spent their college years advocating the black cause moved on - some to niche movements, others to cults, many to “self-improvement,” and still others to the normal middle-class lives against which they’d momentarily and half-heartedly rebelled. Energy went out of the black rights movement as the country soured on the possibility of a political solution to America’s racial problems.
 
White men are statistically more likely to race mix than white women. Even here, on one of the supposedly most racist or pro-white sites on the internet, you will not uncommonly see white men praising spic or Asian women.
Yes.
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Nobody hates white women more than white men.

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Nobody hates white men more than ...middle-eastern women.
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Darryl Cooper has caused some controversy with some of his positions on the activities of the Germans during World War II, but before doing that, he wrote a series of paywalled Substack articles called "Blacks and Jews". I realize that's really not helping my case for you reading this instead of going onto A&N, but his work really is better than that. Let me try and prove that to you by continuing my series of abridged informational blog posts, with some information from these articles.
I’m absolutely loving this series you’re doing exposing the correlation between integration and urban decay. Before the Floyd protests I was still a naive summer child who thought blacks used to be better following the Civil Rights and that they had just been devastated by the crack epidemic in the 80s.

I was wrong. So very, very, very wrong.
 
devastated by the crack epidemic in the 80s.
Black people didn't need the CIA pushing crack in the ghetto.

They took to that shit like ducks to water.

There were black men and women with military careers that flushed it all down the toilet for crack. A black E6, Nam Vet, with a muslim name, member of that Nation of Islam crap, hit stateside and was a crackhead six months later, called it a wonder drug.

The weird thing was, all the white dudes I know tried crack said it sucked. Black guys though, they acted like Crack was manna from heaven.

Hell, even mayors and senators and congressmen and governors.
 
Nobody even tried to help him dude what the fuck are these people doing? They just stand there watching like literal braindead retards while a nog assaults somebody and destroys store property.

I can't really blame them though I know wild gorilla attacks are pretty rare especially in an urban area like this

Or the nigger fiming and giggling.
 
The general problem with Chinese tourists is that they're rude, loud, littering, surging masses of almost-identical humanoids. The specific problem with Chinese tourists is that their presence doesn't generate much benefit to the locals - social costs a lot of times outweigh economic gains. Chinese tourists are funneled to Chinese-owned hotels, they eat at Chinese-owned restaurants, they shop at Chinese-owned stores, and they're carried along to all their destinations on Chinese-owned tour buses. (To be fair, the latter bit applies to Koreans and Japanese on organized overseas tours as well.)
The biggest winner from the obnoxiousness of Chinese tourists is the American tourist. Replace Chinese with American in your pasta and any non-burger over the age of 30 would be nodding in agreement. Disgusting, annoying ham planets shitting up wherever they went to and constantly asking where the nearest Macdawnauds is because they only eat Amurican food. They still exist but now there are just more Chinese tourists so people don't pay attention to them as much, like the fat ugly one in a group of women.
 
The biggest winner from the obnoxiousness of Chinese tourists is the American tourist. Replace Chinese with American in your pasta and any non-burger over the age of 30 would be nodding in agreement. Disgusting, annoying ham planets shitting up wherever they went to and constantly asking where the nearest Macdawnauds is because they only eat Amurican food. They still exist but now there are just more Chinese tourists so people don't pay attention to them as much, like the fat ugly one in a group of women.
Yeah that's okay, you don't deserve our tourism dollars either. Enjoy those chinks.
 
Statistically whites are the least likely to date and marry outside of their race of any ethnic group in the US. The idea that white women are chomping at the bit to sleep with black men is a fantasy fueled by the media and pornography. The TV tells you white women love black men the actual data says the opposite. Who do you believe?
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To be fair: this is marriage rates and we know niggers rarely marry. They see their goblin spawn and want nothing to do with that creature.
 
Youtube has decided that I'm interested in videos about black women's hair, I guess.

This is a conservative youtuber covering a tiktok video where a black woman goes to a white hair stylist. What I think is most funny about it is the way (at 9:30) she mimics a black stylist giving her attitude about how much work it's going to be to do her hair. "uh uh baby, you got too much hair, we're gonna add $100"

So lol. Black women are getting ripped off by black women hair stylists who are lazy and don't want to do the work. The white stylist said that having a lot of hair is a blessing, and didn't charge extra. You can't make this shit up.


Is there a race-flipped version of this? Is there a case where whites (or anyone) is getting ripped off, and getting unnecessary attitude from whites, and then finds that blacks are more welcoming and a better value?

I know there's the meme about white liberals going to black-owned BBQ and performatively gushing about how good the food is ...when the food ends up being this:

new-bbq-place-in-town-BBQ-Memes.jpg
 
Racism isn't like in movies where it's a blanket hatred. Sometimes it can be but usually it's a scale even amongst non-whites. Take the Chinese, Japanese, and Koreans none of them would be too please if their daughters came home with a man who isn't a Chink, Jap, or Korean but they'd be a lot happier to see a white man vs a black man. So, when people are cool with interracial marriage it's not equal across the board.

As for the White Man's hatred for the White Woman that's IMO is hatred for the White Liberal Women the ones who like to separate themselves from White Men and act like we're the blame for all of society's ills and they're part of the "oppressed".

That's the problem with studies and polls the questions are usually too broad.
 
That's the problem with studies and polls the questions are usually too broad.
It also depends on where they got the group of people to ask and in what setting the questions are asked. If you're asking this question in New Yawk or LA then of course you're going to get a different subset of people. And a lot of people are so used to feeling like they need to say a socially acceptable thing they'll do it even when anonymous. It's crazy. It would be really interesting if rather than a blanket "dating outside race question" if they asked specifically what races and in what circumstances.
 
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