- Joined
- Apr 20, 2018
https://odin.tradoc.army.mil/DATEWORLD
Wikipedia: The Decisive Action Training Environment, or DATE World, is a fictional universe created by the United States Army to serve as a medium for training the U.S. Military and its allies. It is an alternate history of Earth with a similar, but distinctly different political geography. Certain areas of the world are nearly identical to real life, while others contain entirely made-up countries, each with its own detailed political, social, economic, and military structures. The reason for maintaining a complex fictional universe is said to be that "real-world countries cannot be an adversarial country".
(Flags from https://www.reddit.com/r/vexillology/comments/1fitltg/flags_of_nations_created_by_the_us_military/)
The US Army spent nearly a decade and has thousands of pages of info and backstory for each of these fictional countries.
Over 795,000 square miles comprise DATE Africa, a varied and complex region which ranges from Lake Victoria in the west to the Indian Sea on its eastern coast. The region includes the fictional countries of Amari, Kujenga, Ziwa, and Nyumba. The region has a long history of instability and conflict; ethnic and religious factionalism; and general political, military, and civilian unrest. In addition to these internal regional divisions, outside actors have increasing strategic interests in the region. DATE Africa thus represents a flashpoint where highly localized conflict can spill over into widespread unrest or general war.
Amari, with its capital at Kisumu, is a functioning and relatively stable democracy, receiving significant support from the US and other western countries. A new constitution, implemented seven years ago, attempted to create a framework for better governance, with good results. Ethnic and tribal tensions continuously play out in multi-party politics, which has led to a history of electoral violence and distrust of the government. The last election was uniquely free of the violence of past elections. Other concerns include border security, instability spillover from neighboring countries, regional competition for resources, and terrorism.
Amari gained independence from a western European colonial power fifty years ago; a time when colonial powers were divesting themselves of their African colonies. The government consists of an executive branch with a strong president, a bicameral legislature, and a judiciary with an associated hierarchy of courts. Amari is making significant progress in areas of good governance but still struggles with institutional corruption. The new constitution has attempted to create a framework for better governance with good results. Other concerns include border security, instability spillover from neighboring countries, regional competition for resources, and terrorism.
The Amari National Defense Force (ANDF) is the state military of Amari. Its composition, disposition, and doctrine are the result of years of relative peace. Internal security and the constant struggle against border incursions continue to shape its structure and roles. The ANDF consists of the Amari Army, Air Force, and Navy. Amari paramilitary forces include the Border Guard Corps (BGC) and Special Reserve Force (SRF). The ANDF is a well-integrated and professional force with good command and control and high readiness. It has a limited force projection capability and a mix of static and mobile forces. Amari is an active contributor to both regional and international peacekeeping forces and has hosted such forces within its borders.
The Ziwa People’s Defense Force (ZPDF) is the state military of the Republic of Ziwa. Its structure and focus has adapted over the last decade alongside the country’s economic development. The ZPDF consists of the Ziwa Ground Forces Command (ZGFC), Ziwa Air Corps (ZAC), and the National Guard. Ziwa’s military relations with its neighbors—Amari to the north and Kujenga to the south—are generally stable, despite sporadic low-level incidents along the border. Border control challenges contributed to the forward deployment of dedicated maneuver elements and leveraging of former rebels to ensure the appearance of security.
Multiple threats exploit Ziwa’s dependence on natural resources and external power generation and transmission. Brutal militants in the northeast mountain area (“The Watasi Gang”) and pockets of ethnic rebels throughout the country continue to plague stability and keep the military at a continually high operational tempo. Although both Kujenga and Amari have active security agreements with Ziwa, rumors persist of their covert support to the Ziwa rebels.
Kujenga gained semi-independence fifty-six years ago under a post-colonial United Nations mandated trusteeship. Three years later, Kujenga gained full independence, establishing a constitution built on a single political party system.
Working under the UN mandate, the outgoing colonial power lent support to the group of elites who had made up the bureaucracy under colonial rule. These elites united under the political party People of Change (POC). They have since controlled the government through successive elections, except for a brief experiment with multi-party rule seven years ago that ended five years later with the subsequent election. After independence, Kujenga established diplomatic relations with the United States. Relations between the two countries have been strained at various times because of Kujenga’s tight-knit oligarchic political structure and repressive tendencies. Ongoing tensions and violence between the Kujengan government and the Tanga region brought especial US condemnation. The Kujengan government is focused on addressing rampant corruption and government inaction, but the country has also experienced a shrinking of democratic space.
The Kujenga Armed Service (KAS) is the state military of the Republic of Kujenga. It emerged from a somewhat turbulent past and a range of internal security challenges. Kujenga’s military relations with its neighbors are relatively stable, although border security issues, particularly in the Tanga region, are increasing the risk of regional conflict. The KAS consists of the Kujengan Army, Kujengan National Air Force (KNAF), Kujengan National Navy (KNAV), and Security Corps. Kujenga’s primary internal security concerns include Tangan separatists, violent bush militias in the central mountains, and the brutal "Army of Justice and Purity" guerrillas in the Kasama region. External threats include border incursions by presumed Amari paramilitaries and cross-border smuggling.
The government is authoritarian in all aspects. Beginning fifty-nine years ago, a military coup overthrew the newly elected civilian government, lasting only six years before an Islamist government took power. While the government is based on its interpretation of Sharia law, tribal traditions and influences permeate the government as well. Economic, religious, ethnic, and tribal interests complicate Nyumban politics and have led to decades of civil war and other internal conflicts. These conflicts have threatened border countries with refugees and provided a safe haven for terrorists, insurgents, criminals, and other disruptors. These deep-seated challenges show no signs of dissipating.
The Nyumban Armed Forces (NAF) is the state military of Nyumba and is key to the country’s stability. It has experienced significant challenges from various threat actors in Nyumba, distrust within its ranks, and from politicians. Civilian distrust is particularly high, leading to widespread tribalism and the rise of armed militias. Its composition and deployments are driven by political desires to maintain control of key forces and the de facto ceding of territory to tribes or armed groups. The NAF consists of the Nyumban National Army (NNA), the Nyumban Armed Forces Air Corps, and the Nyumban Navy. The Nyumban National Security Service controls a paramilitary group, the Rapid Security Forces (RSF) which is usually deployed in support of border and anti-insurgency operations. The NAF has inherited a varied structure and culture due to several regime changes and a colonial legacy. The lawlessness of the territory and general instability has heightened both political and military leaders’ wariness of the forces.
Eurasia
DATE Eurasia is the setting for the West’s confrontation with the acute threat of Donovia and the destabilizing activities of Ariana. The region is vast, spanning the North Atlantic to the Caspian Sea, and involves the European Union.
The Islamic Republic of Ariana, the area’s second-largest and second-strongest nation militarily, possesses massive oil and gas reserves in its southwest region along the Persian Gulf. This area and the Strait of Hormuz comprise key terrain assets for the country. Ariana’s government is aggressive, capable, revolutionary, and intent on spreading its vision of Islamic governance and the establishment of a new Arianian hegemony throughout the region. Ariana mobilizes target populations through politicization of Islam to accomplish its long-term goals.
The Republic of Atropia is vulnerable because of its natural resources and as a result of conflicts over its province of Lower Janga. Atropia possesses significant oil and gas reserves in both the northeast and the Caspian Sea. Further, the Trans-Caucasus petroleum (TC-P) pipeline, one of the most critical infrastructure components in the region, originates near its capital city. These rich natural resources generate potential threats from external forces.
The United Republics of Donovia is the largest country in the world, spanning 11 time zones across Eurasia. The Ural Mountains divide Donovia from North to South stretching from Arctic climates to the more moderate steppe near the Caspian Sea. Fertile plains and plateaus can be found west of the Urals, while to the east the Siberian region consists of frozen tundra in the north giving way to heavy forest and open steppe as you move south. Once considered one of the world’s premiere powers, The United Republics of Donovia is still a global power capable of exerting its influence over its neighbors through military might and threat of invasion.
Donovia perceives itself as the guardian of traditional values and as a counterweight to the intrusion of liberal western culture. Donovia seeks to reshape the current world order by undercutting western influence and using subversive tactics to induce regional instability and create opportunities for itself. While nominally a republic, it operates as an authoritarian state, with much of its global influence derived from the fact that it is a nuclear power. Donovia perceives itself as the guardian of traditional values and as a counterweight to the intrusion of liberal western culture.
The Democratic Republic of Gorgas, like Atropia, is a small yet fiercely independent state in a fragile and dangerous area, but without Atropia’s hydrocarbon assets. The country’s primary strength is geographical—its Black Sea ports and land borders make it a logical pipeline route and regional outlet to the outside world. Gorgas remains among the smallest and least economically developed nations in the region. It currently exists in a state of “frozen conflict” with Donovia over Donovian attempts to block Gorgas from gaining NATO and EU membership, as well as Donovian support for Zabzimek and South Ostremek—two breakaway provinces formerly part of Gorgas.
The Democratic Republic of Limaria, a small and poor country, borders Atropia, Ariana, and Gorgas, and also occupies Lower Janga. Limaria currently enjoys a strong economic and military relationship with Donovia and a good economic relationship with Ariana. Tensions still exist with Atropia over Lower Janga, an Atropian province that is currently occupied by ethnic Limarians. Additionally, Limaria’s improved trade relations with Ariana have created tension with the US. Limaria will attempt to maintain relations with all the Caucasus powers due to its precarious economic development and isolated geopolitical position.
The Republic of Pirtuni lies in eastern Europe along the north shore of the Black Sea. Pirtuni is a representative republic with a history of corruption and sovereignty issues that remain from its prior membership in the United Federation of Socialist Republics. It is simultaneously antagonistic toward, and intrinsically linked with Donovia, who claims portions of eastern Pirtuni as its own. Pirtuni’s western-leaning, majority population seeks to formalize its status as a democratic, European nation by gaining NATO and EU membership. But eastern-leaning minority populations block the path of democratic reforms in favor of alliance with Donovia and threaten stability in the eastern Europe.
Indo-Pacific
DATE Indo-Pacific has a long history of political, military, and civilian instability and conflict. This includes ethnic, political, and religious factionalism. The region is centered on maritime concerns and is dominated by Olvana's military and economy. North Torbia threatens the entire region with nuclear ICMB ambitions. Himaldesh asserts itself as a global player and alternative to Olvana, while Sungzon serves as a foil to the latter's maritime dominance. The many, smaller nations seek international partnerships to advance their development and provide stability. Belesia, Gabal, Khorathidin and Bagansait all vacillated between juntas and democracies. Complicating these regional dynamics are outside actors who grow increasingly involved in the economies. DATE Indo-Pacific thus represents an environment where highly localized conflict can spill over into widespread unrest or general war.
The Republic of the Union of Bagansait is a developing country in Southeast Asia, beset by political and ethnic turmoil during most of its modern history. Bagansait’s military has deposed civilian led governments on several occasions, and currently the government is controlled by a military junta. Bagansait has prioritized a new economic, political, and military partnership with Olvana.
The Federated States of Belesia is a relatively new democracy in the region. The turbulence of its independence from colonial rule continues to create stability challenges throughout its many member-islands. Political turmoil, popular unrest, and widespread terrorism combine to create a volatile environment for this young federation. One of the few stabilizing factors is the farily recent development of economic opportunities and trade. Despite progress in this area, sufficient infrastructure and business processes have yet to be developed, hampering further Belesian progress. The most significant development of the Belesian Federation Defense Force is the formalization and aggregation of member islands’ inconsistent security efforts. This standardization and professionalism is most evident in the establishment of a national constabulary and a national guard. Maintaining a balance between enforcing nationhood and preserving a degree of local autonomy has been the major challenge to national policy implementation and military stationing efforts.
The Republic of Gabal is a relatively new democracy, having emerged from joint rule by two Western European countries in 1977. Gabal faces numerous political, social, and economic challenges that have undercut the effectiveness and legitimacy of its government since independence was declared. Tribal politics run deep within the government and the country is deeply federalized among tribal lines. Issues associated with climate change, however, have largely united the country in recent years, as Gabal, along with many other small island nations, seek to influence global climate change politics. The Republic of Gabal’s military serves more as a symbol of the country’s independence from its neighbors than it serves as any true fighting force. Due to its small size, the Gabal military possesses little offensive capabilities and is no threat to any of its neighboring countries. The Gabal military also lacks the ability to defend itself against any major external threat. The military’s main purpose is the prevention of illegal fishing activities in the country’s territorial waters.
Himaldesh has one of the largest populations of any country in the world and the economic potential to match. Over the last half century Himaldesh has remained neutral in the competition among other nations. But Olvana’s recent posturing as a regional and global power could thrust Himaldesh into alignment with one or more of the superpowers. While Himaldesh is beginning to seek enhanced partnership with the west, it continues to engage with non-western powers like Donovia that might give it a regional advantage over Olvana.
The Kingdom of Khorathidin is a Southeast Asian nation nestled on the Mainland Peninsula between Sungzon and Bagansait. Its capital is the port city of Bangkok. The official demonym for citizens is Khorathidini, or Khor, but most citizens identify with one of the many ethnicities of this diverse and densely populated nation.
The Democratic People's Republic of Torbia (DPRT), also called North Torbia, is one of the most militarized countries in the world, with more than half a million active duty military personnel and over two million reservists. North Torbia’s military spending is around 20% of its GDP, and about one-quarter of all adults serve in some military capacity.North Torbia is a single-party, despotic state that occupies the northern half of the Island of Luzon. It is self-described as a “self-reliant socialist republic”, but its structure is deeply totalitarian, wholly reliant on a cult-of personality and militarism for survival. DPRT's stated mission is the unification of all of Torbia, but only under the control of the Song family whose family has ran the country since its founding.
Since the People’s Republic of Olvana is the largest country in the region in terms of size and population and with an intent to serve as the regional hegemon, Olvana maintains the largest military in the Pacific. The Olvana People’s Army (OPA) is composed of not only a land force, as the Olvana People’s Navy (OPN) and Olvana People’s Air Force (OPAF) are subordinate to the OPA. The OPN has been expanding its capability over the last decade with the completed construction of its first two carriers with two more under construction. The OPA has also increased its amphibious capabilities. Both increases in capability provide Olvana with the capability to project its military power to anywhere in the region. Olvana attempts to influence the region by the deployment of advisors to various countries and the sale of military weapons to their allies. Today, the Olvanan Communist Party seeks to change some traditions while preserving others, such as the family structure and culture of obedience to the state as being integral to society.
Situated between Sunda Baru and Khorathidin on the Malay Peninsula, Patani Baru is a decentralized federation dependent upon its five provincial governments—four constitutional monarchies led by royal families and one constitutional democracy led by an elected governor—and has limited military capability. Sunda Baru claims sovereignty over it, adding a layer of complexity to regional dynamics.
The Puller Islands is a Melanesian archipelagic state comprising 10 main islands and over 900 smaller ones, located northeast of Australia. It gained independence in 1978, adopting its name in honor of US Marine Corps hero Lewis “Chesty” Puller. The country operates as a parliamentary democracy with a unicameral legislature, multi-level governance, and a legal system blending common, civil, and customary law. Despite notable progress, it faces challenges including corruption, limited resources, and geographic isolation. The 1999–2003 civil conflict led to long-term international peacekeeping involvement. Political power is shared between state institutions, traditional authorities, and civil society. Elections remain critical to legitimacy but have experienced occasional disruption. The Puller Islands pursues a foreign policy focused on regional cooperation, economic development, and balanced relations with powers like Australia, the U.S., and Olvana. Though fragile in some areas, the country continues working toward stability, sovereignty, and inclusive development within a complex geopolitical environment.
The Republic of Torbia, also called South Torbia, is a constitutional republic that occupies most of the south half of the island of Luzon. After centuries of foreign occupation and despotic rule, South Torbia emerged in the late 20th century as one of the world’s fastest growing economies, and today is one of the world’s wealthiest, most stable, and most militarily powerful nations. However, a massive corruption scandal that included the president has recently rocked the South Torbian government to its core, creating many questions about the stability and viability of the current republic. The South Torbian military is primarily a defensive force aimed at stopping the Democratic People’s Republic of Torbia from taking over the entire country. Many years ago, due to the fear of North Torbia, South Torbia adopted a universal military service of short duration for all its male citizens. After leaving active duty, the military veterans serve in an active or inactive reserve role as a deterrence against external threats to the country’s independence.
Sunda Baru is a parliamentary democracy spanning the Malay Peninsula and the islands of Java, Borneo, and Sumatra. Sunda Baru was formed through the merger of smaller states and varied populations. Sunda Baru has an expansionist foreign policy and a modern military capable of projecting power throughout the region, making it a key regional actor.
The People’s Republic of Sungzon is a single-party, socialist republic led by the Communist Party of Sungzon (CPS). Recently it transformed into a market-oriented economy. Sungzon takes a pragmatic approach to international partnerships and economics, and often works with actors on both sides of a conflict. Internally, Sungzon’s government struggles to balance the democratic effects of a nascent, free-market economy and social media with tightly controlled state narratives and autocracy.
Volcani Tura is an island nation in the Melanesian Archipelago. It occupies the eastern half of New Guinea Island and the surrounding islands to the east. It shares the Torres Strait with Australia to the south, dividing the Coral and Arafura Seas, placing it in control of vital sea lanes for global trade and naval movement. Volcani Tura is a parliamentary democracy, rich in resources and challenged by poverty, informal economies, and increasing competition in the region.
Europe (Legacy)
DATE Europe's composite countries encompass over 751,000 square kilometers (290,000 square miles), of a varied and complex region which encompasses much of Scandinavia. The region includes the OEs of Arnland, Bothnia, Framland, Otso, and Torrike. It also incorporates the influences and activities of OEs from other DATEs; principally Donovia[1], Olvana, and Pirtuni.[2] The region has a long history of instability and conflict; ethnic and religious factionalism; and general political, military, and civilian unrest. In addition to these internal regional divisions, outside actors have increasing strategic interests in the region. DATE Europe thus represents a flashpoint where highly localized conflict can spill over into widespread unrest or general war.
DATE Europe adversary nations observed and analyzed western military operations since the early 1990’s. This includes but not limited to military operations such as Desert Shield/Desert Storm, Operation Iraqi Freedom, Operation Enduring Freedom, etc. Using knowledge developed from these observations, the nations redesigned their respective force structures, types of equipment, and doctrinal constructs to achieve the desired objective of a peer to peer to at least a near peer capable force. Respective modernization efforts began as early as 2008 and progressed steadily on a timeline to reach full modernization to a Tier One structure by the target year 2026. Recognizing that NATO Article 5[3] agreements specify that an armed attack against one or more partners constitutes an attack against all, the OEs shape their relations with NATO through the Gulf of Bothnia Cooperation Council (GBCC).
Arnland flag.jpg
Arnland sits on the southern tip of the Torrikan peninsula. Originally part of the Skolkan Empire, it gained independence in 1917. Arnland is a multi‐party democratic republic with open elections. There are currently seven political parties with varied representation in the National Assembly, two of these—the center right and the social democrats—have dominated the political landscape for the past 25 years. Arnland’s foreign policy supports the country’s strategic goal of maintaining its independence. The Arnish maintain neutrality in the region while fostering diplomatic—and in some cases military—relations with their regional neighbors. The regional and international relationships maintained and the priorities that are placed in maintaining them change as the ruling parties change, and are a major cause of internal political tension. The European Union (EU) has been in negotiations with Arnland over membership but has yet to enter into any formal agreement.
The Arnland Armed Forces consists of two distinct components. The Active Defense Force comprises the regular Army, Navy and Air Force units subordinated to the General Staff, while the Standby Defense Force is a regionally based reserve force that answers to the regional governor in peacetime and to the General Staff during war. Arnland’s military forces are essentially dysfunctional. Although there are pockets of excellence, the majority of the forces is poorly trained, poorly equipped, badly paid, and ineffective.
Flag of Bothnia.png
Bothnia is a socialist state; although officially there are three main political parties, in reality the Socialist Party of Bothnia dominates the political environment—in effect allowing the other two parties to exist to offer the illusion of choice for the population. Relations with other former Skolkan Empire countries are good except for that with Torrike, which has been strained over Bothnia’s growing claims on the island of Gotland.
The essence of Bothnia’s defense policy is to defend the State and the achievements of the Bothnian people against all aggressors and threats, whether external or internal. To this end, the purpose of the military is to prepare, plan and execute the total defense of Bothnia, in conjunction with all other agencies of the Bothnian State. The policy allows for all methods to be used to ensure the survival of the State and does not preclude preemptive actions or actions limited to the territory of Bothnia. As such, Bothnia’s military is sizeable, with some 120,000 troops in service and theoretically, another 1,000,000 eligible to be mobilized from the Reserve.
The deterioration of relations with Torrike and the expansion of NATO have forced Bothnia to reevaluate its status in the region. It increasingly sees Donovia as an ally and a useful counterbalance to the influence of NATO and the EU. Bothnia is also wary of the motivations of the Baltic States following their admission into NATO; as a result, Bothnia perceives “threats” from multiple entities.
Framland Flag.PNG
Framland is a prosperous country to the east of Torrike; it stretches from the Baltic Sea to north of the Arctic Circle. The country is a multi‐party constitutional monarchy with open elections and political power vested in the prime minister. Its population enjoys freedom of speech and expression, and its relatively stable economy ensures a reasonable standard of living. The Framish people clearly consider themselves Europeans, but are hesitant to become a member of the EU, seeing it as compromising their national identity.
While maintaining good relations with the rest of European nations, Framland is extremely aware of the strategic visions of Bothnia and Torrike. Their claims to power and land within the region create the potential for confrontation with Framland. Notwithstanding these perceptions, Framland cultivates and enjoys good relations with both of its larger neighbors. It is a member of the UN and continues to build its relationship with both NATO and the EU, albeit keeping the latter two at arm’s length. Framland and Donovia have normal political relations with growing economic and cultural exchanges, especially on a regional basis; however, they both foster an age‐old distrust, and have diverging attitudes toward democracy and human rights.
The Framland Defense Force is unusual in the region in that it is all volunteer and as such is also the smallest force in the region by a considerable margin. Notwithstanding size, the armed forces in general, and the army in particular, have considerable operational expertise gained through deployments in support of UN and other international military missions. In keeping with the country’s modern and Western outlook, the armed forces are completely apolitical. The Framish government uses its armed forces as a useful diplomatic tool to build stability throughout the world.
Otso Flag.PNG
Otso sits on the easternmost edge of the region. Previously part of a larger Otsobothnia, it has been an independent nation since the end of World War II. Otso is a constitutional monarchy with open elections and three prominent political parties. The country prides itself on being neutral not only within the old Skolkan region, but also in regards to the EU and NATO. In reality, the government and populace tend to have Donovian sympathies. Donovia originally utilized Otso as a buffer between itself and the wider alliance of Torrike and Bothnia. The recent souring of the relationship between Bothnia and Torrike created the opportunity to use Otso as a stepping stone to advance Donovia’s influence in the region.
Otso’s main political and military aim is to contribute to regional stability through the application of a firm and fair policy of neutrality. Otso considers itself as setting an enlightened example and support for the UN is a key pillar of this policy. A primary component of this is to ensure that any dispute is brought to arbitration at the earliest opportunity and full engagement of the relevant international bodies is actively pursued.
Otso has a small population and its armed forces are correspondingly small. The basic structure is built on the Otsonian perception of the Canadian model, with a single service (defense forces) and specialist branches (land, air, naval). The forces are largely conscripted, with a professional core; the ratio of regular personnel to conscripts varies depending on the complexity of the assigned task. On completion of service, conscripts have a reserve liability until their 50th birthday.
Torrike Flag.PNG
Torrike lies furthest west in the region and represents the heartland and remnant core of a once considerably larger and more powerful political entity, the Skolkan Empire. The country’s formal political system is a democratic republic, with both President and Parliament being subject to periodic election. However, Torrike’s power structure is highly centralized and features appointment rather than election to most offices, with control of patronage resting with the President. Parliament is dominated by the Torrike Unity Party, either alone or in coalition with the Torrikan Nationalist Party. There are formal and informal mechanisms for dealing with political dissent that are used ruthlessly when needed; however, most Torrikans are content with their system, and those who oppose current policies have little traction.
The basis for the country’s foreign policy is the overriding principle that Torrike is the natural regional leader and that the other nations should align themselves under its benevolent guidance. Frictions are high between Torrike and Bothnia due to the latter’s recent Gotland Island claims, despite it being in Torrikan waters. This is further exacerbated by the improving relationship between Bothnia and Donovia, putting not only the Torrikan concept of resurrecting a Torrike-led empire in jeopardy, but also strengthening Bothnia’s position within the region. Torrike has increasingly come to regard NATO as an aggressive, expansionist, and interventionist political entity that poses a potential strategic threat to the country’s regional ambitions. Framland is considered a reliable neighbor, albeit one with a differing international outlook.
The Torrikan Armed Forces are modern, structurally sound, and well equipped. As a largely conscript force, national service is used to identify suitable candidates for long-term service and the reserves. All adults are subject to conscription and must complete an induction period that provides basic military training and an assessment period for identifying potential future leaders. The armed forces have always had a highly intellectual approach to warfare, seeking to maximize their effectiveness through a vigorous analysis of strategy and tactics. However, the Torrikan Armed Forces have little actual operational experience and have only exercised with Framland and, to a lesser extent, Arnland. Otsonian military observers monitoring Torrikan exercises have found them to be somewhat rigid in their operations and tactics.
The United Republics of Donovia is the largest country in the world, spanning 11 time zones across Eurasia. The Ural Mountains divide Donovia from North to South stretching from Arctic climates to the more moderate steppe near the Caspian Sea. Fertile plains and plateaus can be found west of the Urals, while to the east the Siberian region consists of frozen tundra in the north giving way to heavy forest and open steppe as you move south.
Once considered one of the world’s premiere powers, The United Republics of Donovia is still a global power capable of exerting its influence over its neighbors through military might and threat of invasion.
Donovia perceives itself as the guardian of traditional values and as a counterweight to the intrusion of liberal western culture. Donovia seeks to reshape the current world order by undercutting western influence and using subversive tactics to induce regional instability and create opportunities for itself. While nominally a republic, it operates as an authoritarian state, with much of its global influence derived from the fact that it is a nuclear power. Donovia perceives itself as the guardian of traditional values and as a counterweight to the intrusion of liberal western culture.
Bonus: Pineland
Wikipedia: The John F. Kennedy Special Warfare Center and School maintains an OE called the People's Republic of Pineland as the setting for the standardized training exercise Robin Sage. The OE is canonically located in the mid-Atlantic continent of Atlantica, though the real-world training ground is made up of ten to fifteen counties in North Carolina.
In its fictional lore, Pineland is a long-time ally of the United States. Amid the recent spread of communism throughout the region, the government has recently fallen under the control of a strongman, Jose Cuervo. Through the use of democratic backsliding, Cuervo recently carried out a coup d'état by declaring martial law, and imprisoning his political rival, Pineland Secretary of Defence Robin Hayes.
The other OEs in mainland Atlantica are the United Provinces of Atlantica and Appalachia. In past exercises during the Cold War, they were said to be allied with the Soviet Union. Six hundred miles east is the island of Aragon, consisting of three OEs: the People's Democratic Republic of Acadia, the Republic of Cortina, and the Republic of Victoria.
Wikipedia: The Decisive Action Training Environment, or DATE World, is a fictional universe created by the United States Army to serve as a medium for training the U.S. Military and its allies. It is an alternate history of Earth with a similar, but distinctly different political geography. Certain areas of the world are nearly identical to real life, while others contain entirely made-up countries, each with its own detailed political, social, economic, and military structures. The reason for maintaining a complex fictional universe is said to be that "real-world countries cannot be an adversarial country".
(Flags from https://www.reddit.com/r/vexillology/comments/1fitltg/flags_of_nations_created_by_the_us_military/)
The US Army spent nearly a decade and has thousands of pages of info and backstory for each of these fictional countries.
Africa
Over 795,000 square miles comprise DATE Africa, a varied and complex region which ranges from Lake Victoria in the west to the Indian Sea on its eastern coast. The region includes the fictional countries of Amari, Kujenga, Ziwa, and Nyumba. The region has a long history of instability and conflict; ethnic and religious factionalism; and general political, military, and civilian unrest. In addition to these internal regional divisions, outside actors have increasing strategic interests in the region. DATE Africa thus represents a flashpoint where highly localized conflict can spill over into widespread unrest or general war.
Key Points
- The countries in the region have experienced dramatic changes in governing regimes over the last few decades.
- Political, economic, and environmental changes have created societal pressures that spawn conflict between nations, political factions, international players, and potential threat actors.
- The complex tapestry of ethnic, tribal, linguistic and religious loyalties make diplomatic and military operations in the region difficult.
- US forces may be required to conduct operations in the region in a wide range of roles and will likely operate in a combined effort with other forces.
Republic of Amari
Main article: AmariAmari, with its capital at Kisumu, is a functioning and relatively stable democracy, receiving significant support from the US and other western countries. A new constitution, implemented seven years ago, attempted to create a framework for better governance, with good results. Ethnic and tribal tensions continuously play out in multi-party politics, which has led to a history of electoral violence and distrust of the government. The last election was uniquely free of the violence of past elections. Other concerns include border security, instability spillover from neighboring countries, regional competition for resources, and terrorism.
Amari gained independence from a western European colonial power fifty years ago; a time when colonial powers were divesting themselves of their African colonies. The government consists of an executive branch with a strong president, a bicameral legislature, and a judiciary with an associated hierarchy of courts. Amari is making significant progress in areas of good governance but still struggles with institutional corruption. The new constitution has attempted to create a framework for better governance with good results. Other concerns include border security, instability spillover from neighboring countries, regional competition for resources, and terrorism.
The Amari National Defense Force (ANDF) is the state military of Amari. Its composition, disposition, and doctrine are the result of years of relative peace. Internal security and the constant struggle against border incursions continue to shape its structure and roles. The ANDF consists of the Amari Army, Air Force, and Navy. Amari paramilitary forces include the Border Guard Corps (BGC) and Special Reserve Force (SRF). The ANDF is a well-integrated and professional force with good command and control and high readiness. It has a limited force projection capability and a mix of static and mobile forces. Amari is an active contributor to both regional and international peacekeeping forces and has hosted such forces within its borders.
Republic of Ziwa
Main article: Ziwa is a small landlocked nation located on the southern end of Lake Victoria. Despite a troubled past, Ziwa is making progress toward greater transparency and good governance. Its development path stems from political turmoil in the last few decades and a growing economy—largely based on technical advancements and extensive mineral resources. Ziwa seeks to become a key player on the continent, but has experienced internal dissent and has been affected by regional disputes. Ziwa’s history since gaining independence is one of coups, disputed elections, regional and ethnic violence, and general instability. While Ziwa has expressed an intent to improve its governance, a lack of deep-rooted democratic and civil society institutions makes it one of the most vulnerable and unstable countries in the region.The Ziwa People’s Defense Force (ZPDF) is the state military of the Republic of Ziwa. Its structure and focus has adapted over the last decade alongside the country’s economic development. The ZPDF consists of the Ziwa Ground Forces Command (ZGFC), Ziwa Air Corps (ZAC), and the National Guard. Ziwa’s military relations with its neighbors—Amari to the north and Kujenga to the south—are generally stable, despite sporadic low-level incidents along the border. Border control challenges contributed to the forward deployment of dedicated maneuver elements and leveraging of former rebels to ensure the appearance of security.
Multiple threats exploit Ziwa’s dependence on natural resources and external power generation and transmission. Brutal militants in the northeast mountain area (“The Watasi Gang”) and pockets of ethnic rebels throughout the country continue to plague stability and keep the military at a continually high operational tempo. Although both Kujenga and Amari have active security agreements with Ziwa, rumors persist of their covert support to the Ziwa rebels.
Republic of Kujenga
Main article: KujengaKujenga gained semi-independence fifty-six years ago under a post-colonial United Nations mandated trusteeship. Three years later, Kujenga gained full independence, establishing a constitution built on a single political party system.
Working under the UN mandate, the outgoing colonial power lent support to the group of elites who had made up the bureaucracy under colonial rule. These elites united under the political party People of Change (POC). They have since controlled the government through successive elections, except for a brief experiment with multi-party rule seven years ago that ended five years later with the subsequent election. After independence, Kujenga established diplomatic relations with the United States. Relations between the two countries have been strained at various times because of Kujenga’s tight-knit oligarchic political structure and repressive tendencies. Ongoing tensions and violence between the Kujengan government and the Tanga region brought especial US condemnation. The Kujengan government is focused on addressing rampant corruption and government inaction, but the country has also experienced a shrinking of democratic space.
The Kujenga Armed Service (KAS) is the state military of the Republic of Kujenga. It emerged from a somewhat turbulent past and a range of internal security challenges. Kujenga’s military relations with its neighbors are relatively stable, although border security issues, particularly in the Tanga region, are increasing the risk of regional conflict. The KAS consists of the Kujengan Army, Kujengan National Air Force (KNAF), Kujengan National Navy (KNAV), and Security Corps. Kujenga’s primary internal security concerns include Tangan separatists, violent bush militias in the central mountains, and the brutal "Army of Justice and Purity" guerrillas in the Kasama region. External threats include border incursions by presumed Amari paramilitaries and cross-border smuggling.
Democratic Republic of Nyumba
Main article: NyumbaNyumba is a troubled nation and has had little in the form of democracy since its inception. It has been primarily ruled by authoritarian governments and wracked with internal turmoil and paranoia about perceived external threats. It is suspicious of regional government alliances with western countries and, particularly, what the Nyumba government leaders see as international meddling in its sovereign domestic and regional interests.The government is authoritarian in all aspects. Beginning fifty-nine years ago, a military coup overthrew the newly elected civilian government, lasting only six years before an Islamist government took power. While the government is based on its interpretation of Sharia law, tribal traditions and influences permeate the government as well. Economic, religious, ethnic, and tribal interests complicate Nyumban politics and have led to decades of civil war and other internal conflicts. These conflicts have threatened border countries with refugees and provided a safe haven for terrorists, insurgents, criminals, and other disruptors. These deep-seated challenges show no signs of dissipating.
The Nyumban Armed Forces (NAF) is the state military of Nyumba and is key to the country’s stability. It has experienced significant challenges from various threat actors in Nyumba, distrust within its ranks, and from politicians. Civilian distrust is particularly high, leading to widespread tribalism and the rise of armed militias. Its composition and deployments are driven by political desires to maintain control of key forces and the de facto ceding of territory to tribes or armed groups. The NAF consists of the Nyumban National Army (NNA), the Nyumban Armed Forces Air Corps, and the Nyumban Navy. The Nyumban National Security Service controls a paramilitary group, the Rapid Security Forces (RSF) which is usually deployed in support of border and anti-insurgency operations. The NAF has inherited a varied structure and culture due to several regime changes and a colonial legacy. The lawlessness of the territory and general instability has heightened both political and military leaders’ wariness of the forces.
Eurasia
DATE Eurasia is the setting for the West’s confrontation with the acute threat of Donovia and the destabilizing activities of Ariana. The region is vast, spanning the North Atlantic to the Caspian Sea, and involves the European Union.
Ariana
Main article: ArianaThe Islamic Republic of Ariana, the area’s second-largest and second-strongest nation militarily, possesses massive oil and gas reserves in its southwest region along the Persian Gulf. This area and the Strait of Hormuz comprise key terrain assets for the country. Ariana’s government is aggressive, capable, revolutionary, and intent on spreading its vision of Islamic governance and the establishment of a new Arianian hegemony throughout the region. Ariana mobilizes target populations through politicization of Islam to accomplish its long-term goals.
Atropia
Main article: AtropiaThe Republic of Atropia is vulnerable because of its natural resources and as a result of conflicts over its province of Lower Janga. Atropia possesses significant oil and gas reserves in both the northeast and the Caspian Sea. Further, the Trans-Caucasus petroleum (TC-P) pipeline, one of the most critical infrastructure components in the region, originates near its capital city. These rich natural resources generate potential threats from external forces.
Donovia
Main article: DonoviaThe United Republics of Donovia is the largest country in the world, spanning 11 time zones across Eurasia. The Ural Mountains divide Donovia from North to South stretching from Arctic climates to the more moderate steppe near the Caspian Sea. Fertile plains and plateaus can be found west of the Urals, while to the east the Siberian region consists of frozen tundra in the north giving way to heavy forest and open steppe as you move south. Once considered one of the world’s premiere powers, The United Republics of Donovia is still a global power capable of exerting its influence over its neighbors through military might and threat of invasion.
Donovia perceives itself as the guardian of traditional values and as a counterweight to the intrusion of liberal western culture. Donovia seeks to reshape the current world order by undercutting western influence and using subversive tactics to induce regional instability and create opportunities for itself. While nominally a republic, it operates as an authoritarian state, with much of its global influence derived from the fact that it is a nuclear power. Donovia perceives itself as the guardian of traditional values and as a counterweight to the intrusion of liberal western culture.
Gorgas
Main article: GorgasThe Democratic Republic of Gorgas, like Atropia, is a small yet fiercely independent state in a fragile and dangerous area, but without Atropia’s hydrocarbon assets. The country’s primary strength is geographical—its Black Sea ports and land borders make it a logical pipeline route and regional outlet to the outside world. Gorgas remains among the smallest and least economically developed nations in the region. It currently exists in a state of “frozen conflict” with Donovia over Donovian attempts to block Gorgas from gaining NATO and EU membership, as well as Donovian support for Zabzimek and South Ostremek—two breakaway provinces formerly part of Gorgas.
Limaria
Main article: LimariaThe Democratic Republic of Limaria, a small and poor country, borders Atropia, Ariana, and Gorgas, and also occupies Lower Janga. Limaria currently enjoys a strong economic and military relationship with Donovia and a good economic relationship with Ariana. Tensions still exist with Atropia over Lower Janga, an Atropian province that is currently occupied by ethnic Limarians. Additionally, Limaria’s improved trade relations with Ariana have created tension with the US. Limaria will attempt to maintain relations with all the Caucasus powers due to its precarious economic development and isolated geopolitical position.
Pirtuni
Main article: PirtuniThe Republic of Pirtuni lies in eastern Europe along the north shore of the Black Sea. Pirtuni is a representative republic with a history of corruption and sovereignty issues that remain from its prior membership in the United Federation of Socialist Republics. It is simultaneously antagonistic toward, and intrinsically linked with Donovia, who claims portions of eastern Pirtuni as its own. Pirtuni’s western-leaning, majority population seeks to formalize its status as a democratic, European nation by gaining NATO and EU membership. But eastern-leaning minority populations block the path of democratic reforms in favor of alliance with Donovia and threaten stability in the eastern Europe.
Indo-Pacific
DATE Indo-Pacific has a long history of political, military, and civilian instability and conflict. This includes ethnic, political, and religious factionalism. The region is centered on maritime concerns and is dominated by Olvana's military and economy. North Torbia threatens the entire region with nuclear ICMB ambitions. Himaldesh asserts itself as a global player and alternative to Olvana, while Sungzon serves as a foil to the latter's maritime dominance. The many, smaller nations seek international partnerships to advance their development and provide stability. Belesia, Gabal, Khorathidin and Bagansait all vacillated between juntas and democracies. Complicating these regional dynamics are outside actors who grow increasingly involved in the economies. DATE Indo-Pacific thus represents an environment where highly localized conflict can spill over into widespread unrest or general war.
Bagansait
Main articleThe Republic of the Union of Bagansait is a developing country in Southeast Asia, beset by political and ethnic turmoil during most of its modern history. Bagansait’s military has deposed civilian led governments on several occasions, and currently the government is controlled by a military junta. Bagansait has prioritized a new economic, political, and military partnership with Olvana.
Belesia
Main articleThe Federated States of Belesia is a relatively new democracy in the region. The turbulence of its independence from colonial rule continues to create stability challenges throughout its many member-islands. Political turmoil, popular unrest, and widespread terrorism combine to create a volatile environment for this young federation. One of the few stabilizing factors is the farily recent development of economic opportunities and trade. Despite progress in this area, sufficient infrastructure and business processes have yet to be developed, hampering further Belesian progress. The most significant development of the Belesian Federation Defense Force is the formalization and aggregation of member islands’ inconsistent security efforts. This standardization and professionalism is most evident in the establishment of a national constabulary and a national guard. Maintaining a balance between enforcing nationhood and preserving a degree of local autonomy has been the major challenge to national policy implementation and military stationing efforts.
Gabal
Main articleThe Republic of Gabal is a relatively new democracy, having emerged from joint rule by two Western European countries in 1977. Gabal faces numerous political, social, and economic challenges that have undercut the effectiveness and legitimacy of its government since independence was declared. Tribal politics run deep within the government and the country is deeply federalized among tribal lines. Issues associated with climate change, however, have largely united the country in recent years, as Gabal, along with many other small island nations, seek to influence global climate change politics. The Republic of Gabal’s military serves more as a symbol of the country’s independence from its neighbors than it serves as any true fighting force. Due to its small size, the Gabal military possesses little offensive capabilities and is no threat to any of its neighboring countries. The Gabal military also lacks the ability to defend itself against any major external threat. The military’s main purpose is the prevention of illegal fishing activities in the country’s territorial waters.
Himaldesh
Main articleHimaldesh has one of the largest populations of any country in the world and the economic potential to match. Over the last half century Himaldesh has remained neutral in the competition among other nations. But Olvana’s recent posturing as a regional and global power could thrust Himaldesh into alignment with one or more of the superpowers. While Himaldesh is beginning to seek enhanced partnership with the west, it continues to engage with non-western powers like Donovia that might give it a regional advantage over Olvana.
Khorathidin
Main articleThe Kingdom of Khorathidin is a Southeast Asian nation nestled on the Mainland Peninsula between Sungzon and Bagansait. Its capital is the port city of Bangkok. The official demonym for citizens is Khorathidini, or Khor, but most citizens identify with one of the many ethnicities of this diverse and densely populated nation.
North Torbia
Main articleThe Democratic People's Republic of Torbia (DPRT), also called North Torbia, is one of the most militarized countries in the world, with more than half a million active duty military personnel and over two million reservists. North Torbia’s military spending is around 20% of its GDP, and about one-quarter of all adults serve in some military capacity.North Torbia is a single-party, despotic state that occupies the northern half of the Island of Luzon. It is self-described as a “self-reliant socialist republic”, but its structure is deeply totalitarian, wholly reliant on a cult-of personality and militarism for survival. DPRT's stated mission is the unification of all of Torbia, but only under the control of the Song family whose family has ran the country since its founding.
Olvana
Main articleSince the People’s Republic of Olvana is the largest country in the region in terms of size and population and with an intent to serve as the regional hegemon, Olvana maintains the largest military in the Pacific. The Olvana People’s Army (OPA) is composed of not only a land force, as the Olvana People’s Navy (OPN) and Olvana People’s Air Force (OPAF) are subordinate to the OPA. The OPN has been expanding its capability over the last decade with the completed construction of its first two carriers with two more under construction. The OPA has also increased its amphibious capabilities. Both increases in capability provide Olvana with the capability to project its military power to anywhere in the region. Olvana attempts to influence the region by the deployment of advisors to various countries and the sale of military weapons to their allies. Today, the Olvanan Communist Party seeks to change some traditions while preserving others, such as the family structure and culture of obedience to the state as being integral to society.
Patani Baru
Main articleSituated between Sunda Baru and Khorathidin on the Malay Peninsula, Patani Baru is a decentralized federation dependent upon its five provincial governments—four constitutional monarchies led by royal families and one constitutional democracy led by an elected governor—and has limited military capability. Sunda Baru claims sovereignty over it, adding a layer of complexity to regional dynamics.
Puller Islands
Main articleThe Puller Islands is a Melanesian archipelagic state comprising 10 main islands and over 900 smaller ones, located northeast of Australia. It gained independence in 1978, adopting its name in honor of US Marine Corps hero Lewis “Chesty” Puller. The country operates as a parliamentary democracy with a unicameral legislature, multi-level governance, and a legal system blending common, civil, and customary law. Despite notable progress, it faces challenges including corruption, limited resources, and geographic isolation. The 1999–2003 civil conflict led to long-term international peacekeeping involvement. Political power is shared between state institutions, traditional authorities, and civil society. Elections remain critical to legitimacy but have experienced occasional disruption. The Puller Islands pursues a foreign policy focused on regional cooperation, economic development, and balanced relations with powers like Australia, the U.S., and Olvana. Though fragile in some areas, the country continues working toward stability, sovereignty, and inclusive development within a complex geopolitical environment.
South Torbia
Main articleThe Republic of Torbia, also called South Torbia, is a constitutional republic that occupies most of the south half of the island of Luzon. After centuries of foreign occupation and despotic rule, South Torbia emerged in the late 20th century as one of the world’s fastest growing economies, and today is one of the world’s wealthiest, most stable, and most militarily powerful nations. However, a massive corruption scandal that included the president has recently rocked the South Torbian government to its core, creating many questions about the stability and viability of the current republic. The South Torbian military is primarily a defensive force aimed at stopping the Democratic People’s Republic of Torbia from taking over the entire country. Many years ago, due to the fear of North Torbia, South Torbia adopted a universal military service of short duration for all its male citizens. After leaving active duty, the military veterans serve in an active or inactive reserve role as a deterrence against external threats to the country’s independence.
Sunda Baru
Main ArticleSunda Baru is a parliamentary democracy spanning the Malay Peninsula and the islands of Java, Borneo, and Sumatra. Sunda Baru was formed through the merger of smaller states and varied populations. Sunda Baru has an expansionist foreign policy and a modern military capable of projecting power throughout the region, making it a key regional actor.
Sungzon
Main articleThe People’s Republic of Sungzon is a single-party, socialist republic led by the Communist Party of Sungzon (CPS). Recently it transformed into a market-oriented economy. Sungzon takes a pragmatic approach to international partnerships and economics, and often works with actors on both sides of a conflict. Internally, Sungzon’s government struggles to balance the democratic effects of a nascent, free-market economy and social media with tightly controlled state narratives and autocracy.
Volcani Tura
Main ArticleVolcani Tura is an island nation in the Melanesian Archipelago. It occupies the eastern half of New Guinea Island and the surrounding islands to the east. It shares the Torres Strait with Australia to the south, dividing the Coral and Arafura Seas, placing it in control of vital sea lanes for global trade and naval movement. Volcani Tura is a parliamentary democracy, rich in resources and challenged by poverty, informal economies, and increasing competition in the region.
Europe (Legacy)
DATE Europe's composite countries encompass over 751,000 square kilometers (290,000 square miles), of a varied and complex region which encompasses much of Scandinavia. The region includes the OEs of Arnland, Bothnia, Framland, Otso, and Torrike. It also incorporates the influences and activities of OEs from other DATEs; principally Donovia[1], Olvana, and Pirtuni.[2] The region has a long history of instability and conflict; ethnic and religious factionalism; and general political, military, and civilian unrest. In addition to these internal regional divisions, outside actors have increasing strategic interests in the region. DATE Europe thus represents a flashpoint where highly localized conflict can spill over into widespread unrest or general war.
DATE Europe adversary nations observed and analyzed western military operations since the early 1990’s. This includes but not limited to military operations such as Desert Shield/Desert Storm, Operation Iraqi Freedom, Operation Enduring Freedom, etc. Using knowledge developed from these observations, the nations redesigned their respective force structures, types of equipment, and doctrinal constructs to achieve the desired objective of a peer to peer to at least a near peer capable force. Respective modernization efforts began as early as 2008 and progressed steadily on a timeline to reach full modernization to a Tier One structure by the target year 2026. Recognizing that NATO Article 5[3] agreements specify that an armed attack against one or more partners constitutes an attack against all, the OEs shape their relations with NATO through the Gulf of Bothnia Cooperation Council (GBCC).
Arnland
Main article: Arnland
Arnland sits on the southern tip of the Torrikan peninsula. Originally part of the Skolkan Empire, it gained independence in 1917. Arnland is a multi‐party democratic republic with open elections. There are currently seven political parties with varied representation in the National Assembly, two of these—the center right and the social democrats—have dominated the political landscape for the past 25 years. Arnland’s foreign policy supports the country’s strategic goal of maintaining its independence. The Arnish maintain neutrality in the region while fostering diplomatic—and in some cases military—relations with their regional neighbors. The regional and international relationships maintained and the priorities that are placed in maintaining them change as the ruling parties change, and are a major cause of internal political tension. The European Union (EU) has been in negotiations with Arnland over membership but has yet to enter into any formal agreement.
The Arnland Armed Forces consists of two distinct components. The Active Defense Force comprises the regular Army, Navy and Air Force units subordinated to the General Staff, while the Standby Defense Force is a regionally based reserve force that answers to the regional governor in peacetime and to the General Staff during war. Arnland’s military forces are essentially dysfunctional. Although there are pockets of excellence, the majority of the forces is poorly trained, poorly equipped, badly paid, and ineffective.
Bothnia
Main article: Bothnia
Bothnia is a socialist state; although officially there are three main political parties, in reality the Socialist Party of Bothnia dominates the political environment—in effect allowing the other two parties to exist to offer the illusion of choice for the population. Relations with other former Skolkan Empire countries are good except for that with Torrike, which has been strained over Bothnia’s growing claims on the island of Gotland.
The essence of Bothnia’s defense policy is to defend the State and the achievements of the Bothnian people against all aggressors and threats, whether external or internal. To this end, the purpose of the military is to prepare, plan and execute the total defense of Bothnia, in conjunction with all other agencies of the Bothnian State. The policy allows for all methods to be used to ensure the survival of the State and does not preclude preemptive actions or actions limited to the territory of Bothnia. As such, Bothnia’s military is sizeable, with some 120,000 troops in service and theoretically, another 1,000,000 eligible to be mobilized from the Reserve.
The deterioration of relations with Torrike and the expansion of NATO have forced Bothnia to reevaluate its status in the region. It increasingly sees Donovia as an ally and a useful counterbalance to the influence of NATO and the EU. Bothnia is also wary of the motivations of the Baltic States following their admission into NATO; as a result, Bothnia perceives “threats” from multiple entities.
Framland
Main article: Framland
Framland is a prosperous country to the east of Torrike; it stretches from the Baltic Sea to north of the Arctic Circle. The country is a multi‐party constitutional monarchy with open elections and political power vested in the prime minister. Its population enjoys freedom of speech and expression, and its relatively stable economy ensures a reasonable standard of living. The Framish people clearly consider themselves Europeans, but are hesitant to become a member of the EU, seeing it as compromising their national identity.
While maintaining good relations with the rest of European nations, Framland is extremely aware of the strategic visions of Bothnia and Torrike. Their claims to power and land within the region create the potential for confrontation with Framland. Notwithstanding these perceptions, Framland cultivates and enjoys good relations with both of its larger neighbors. It is a member of the UN and continues to build its relationship with both NATO and the EU, albeit keeping the latter two at arm’s length. Framland and Donovia have normal political relations with growing economic and cultural exchanges, especially on a regional basis; however, they both foster an age‐old distrust, and have diverging attitudes toward democracy and human rights.
The Framland Defense Force is unusual in the region in that it is all volunteer and as such is also the smallest force in the region by a considerable margin. Notwithstanding size, the armed forces in general, and the army in particular, have considerable operational expertise gained through deployments in support of UN and other international military missions. In keeping with the country’s modern and Western outlook, the armed forces are completely apolitical. The Framish government uses its armed forces as a useful diplomatic tool to build stability throughout the world.
Otso
Main article: Otso
Otso sits on the easternmost edge of the region. Previously part of a larger Otsobothnia, it has been an independent nation since the end of World War II. Otso is a constitutional monarchy with open elections and three prominent political parties. The country prides itself on being neutral not only within the old Skolkan region, but also in regards to the EU and NATO. In reality, the government and populace tend to have Donovian sympathies. Donovia originally utilized Otso as a buffer between itself and the wider alliance of Torrike and Bothnia. The recent souring of the relationship between Bothnia and Torrike created the opportunity to use Otso as a stepping stone to advance Donovia’s influence in the region.
Otso’s main political and military aim is to contribute to regional stability through the application of a firm and fair policy of neutrality. Otso considers itself as setting an enlightened example and support for the UN is a key pillar of this policy. A primary component of this is to ensure that any dispute is brought to arbitration at the earliest opportunity and full engagement of the relevant international bodies is actively pursued.
Otso has a small population and its armed forces are correspondingly small. The basic structure is built on the Otsonian perception of the Canadian model, with a single service (defense forces) and specialist branches (land, air, naval). The forces are largely conscripted, with a professional core; the ratio of regular personnel to conscripts varies depending on the complexity of the assigned task. On completion of service, conscripts have a reserve liability until their 50th birthday.
Torrike
Main article: Torrike
Torrike lies furthest west in the region and represents the heartland and remnant core of a once considerably larger and more powerful political entity, the Skolkan Empire. The country’s formal political system is a democratic republic, with both President and Parliament being subject to periodic election. However, Torrike’s power structure is highly centralized and features appointment rather than election to most offices, with control of patronage resting with the President. Parliament is dominated by the Torrike Unity Party, either alone or in coalition with the Torrikan Nationalist Party. There are formal and informal mechanisms for dealing with political dissent that are used ruthlessly when needed; however, most Torrikans are content with their system, and those who oppose current policies have little traction.
The basis for the country’s foreign policy is the overriding principle that Torrike is the natural regional leader and that the other nations should align themselves under its benevolent guidance. Frictions are high between Torrike and Bothnia due to the latter’s recent Gotland Island claims, despite it being in Torrikan waters. This is further exacerbated by the improving relationship between Bothnia and Donovia, putting not only the Torrikan concept of resurrecting a Torrike-led empire in jeopardy, but also strengthening Bothnia’s position within the region. Torrike has increasingly come to regard NATO as an aggressive, expansionist, and interventionist political entity that poses a potential strategic threat to the country’s regional ambitions. Framland is considered a reliable neighbor, albeit one with a differing international outlook.
The Torrikan Armed Forces are modern, structurally sound, and well equipped. As a largely conscript force, national service is used to identify suitable candidates for long-term service and the reserves. All adults are subject to conscription and must complete an induction period that provides basic military training and an assessment period for identifying potential future leaders. The armed forces have always had a highly intellectual approach to warfare, seeking to maximize their effectiveness through a vigorous analysis of strategy and tactics. However, the Torrikan Armed Forces have little actual operational experience and have only exercised with Framland and, to a lesser extent, Arnland. Otsonian military observers monitoring Torrikan exercises have found them to be somewhat rigid in their operations and tactics.
Donovia
Main article: DonoviaThe United Republics of Donovia is the largest country in the world, spanning 11 time zones across Eurasia. The Ural Mountains divide Donovia from North to South stretching from Arctic climates to the more moderate steppe near the Caspian Sea. Fertile plains and plateaus can be found west of the Urals, while to the east the Siberian region consists of frozen tundra in the north giving way to heavy forest and open steppe as you move south.
Once considered one of the world’s premiere powers, The United Republics of Donovia is still a global power capable of exerting its influence over its neighbors through military might and threat of invasion.
Donovia perceives itself as the guardian of traditional values and as a counterweight to the intrusion of liberal western culture. Donovia seeks to reshape the current world order by undercutting western influence and using subversive tactics to induce regional instability and create opportunities for itself. While nominally a republic, it operates as an authoritarian state, with much of its global influence derived from the fact that it is a nuclear power. Donovia perceives itself as the guardian of traditional values and as a counterweight to the intrusion of liberal western culture.
Bonus: Pineland
Wikipedia: The John F. Kennedy Special Warfare Center and School maintains an OE called the People's Republic of Pineland as the setting for the standardized training exercise Robin Sage. The OE is canonically located in the mid-Atlantic continent of Atlantica, though the real-world training ground is made up of ten to fifteen counties in North Carolina.
In its fictional lore, Pineland is a long-time ally of the United States. Amid the recent spread of communism throughout the region, the government has recently fallen under the control of a strongman, Jose Cuervo. Through the use of democratic backsliding, Cuervo recently carried out a coup d'état by declaring martial law, and imprisoning his political rival, Pineland Secretary of Defence Robin Hayes.
The other OEs in mainland Atlantica are the United Provinces of Atlantica and Appalachia. In past exercises during the Cold War, they were said to be allied with the Soviet Union. Six hundred miles east is the island of Aragon, consisting of three OEs: the People's Democratic Republic of Acadia, the Republic of Cortina, and the Republic of Victoria.
Last edited:
