Culture New '1984' Foreword Includes Warning About 'Problematic' Characters - The introduction to the new edition, endorsed by Orwell's estate and written by the American author Dolen Perkins-Valdezm, is at the center of the storm, drawing fire from conservative commentators as well as public intellectuals.

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The 75th anniversary edition of George Orwell's novel 1984, which coined the term "thoughtcrime" to describe the act of having thoughts that question the ruling party's ideology, has become an ironic lightning rod in debates over alleged trigger warnings and the role of historical context in classic literature.

The introduction to the new edition, endorsed by Orwell's estate and written by the American author Dolen Perkins-Valdezm, is at the center of the storm, drawing fire from conservative commentators as well as public intellectuals, and prompting a wide spectrum of reaction from academics who study Orwell's work.

Perkins-Valdez opens the introduction with a self-reflective exercise: imagining what it would be like to read 1984 for the first time today. She writes that "a sliver of connection can be difficult for someone like me to find in a novel that does not speak much to race and ethnicity," noting the complete absence of Black characters.

She also describes her pause at the protagonist Winston Smith's "despicable" misogyny, but ultimately chooses to continue reading, writing: "I know the difference between a flawed character and a flawed story."

"I'm enjoying the novel on its own terms, not as a classic but as a good story; that is, until Winston reveals himself to be a problematic character," she writes. "For example, we learn of him: 'He disliked nearly all women, and especially the young and pretty ones.' Whoa, wait a minute, Orwell."

That framing was enough to provoke sharp critique from novelist and essayist Walter Kirn on the podcast America This Week, co-hosted with journalist Matt Taibbi. Kirn characterized the foreword as a kind of ideological overreach. "Thank you for your trigger warning for 1984," he said. "It is the most 1984ish thing I've ever f***ing read."

Later in the episode, which debuted on June 1, Kirn blasted what he saw as an imposed "permission structure" by publishers and academic elites. "It's a sort of Ministry of Truthism," he said, referring to the Ministry of Truth that features prominently in the dystopian novel. "They're giving you a little guidebook to say, 'Here's how you're supposed to feel when you read this.'"

Conservative commentator such as Ed Morrissey described the foreword as part of "an attempt to rob [Orwell's work] of meaning by denigrating it as 'problematic.'" Morrissey argued that trigger warnings on literary classics serve to "distract readers at the start from its purpose with red herrings over issues of taste."

But not all responses aligned with that view.

Peter Brian Rose-Barry, a philosophy professor at Saginaw Valley State University and author of George Orwell: The Ethics of Equality, disputed the entire premise. "There just isn't [a trigger warning]," he told Newsweek in an email after examining the edition. "She never accuses Orwell of thoughtcrime. She never calls for censorship or cancelling Orwell."

In Rose-Barry's view, the foreword is neither invasive nor ideological, but reflective. "Perkins-Valdez suggests in her introduction that 'love and artistic beauty can act as healing forces in a totalitarian state,'" he noted. "Now, I find that deeply suspect... but I'd use this introduction to generate a discussion in my class."

Taibbi and Kirn, by contrast, took issue with that exact line during the podcast. "Love heals? In 1984?" Taibbi asked. "The whole thing ends with Winston broken, saying he loves Big Brother," the symbol of the totalitarian state at the heart of the book. Kirn laughed and added, "It's the kind of revisionist uplift you get from a book club discussion after someone just watched The Handmaid's Tale."

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Photographs of Eric Blair, whose pen name was George Orwell, from his Metropolitan Police file, c.1940.
The National Archives UK


Perkins-Valdez, a Black writer, Harvard graduate and professor of literature at American University, also noted the novel's lack of racial representation: "That sliver of connection can be difficult for someone like me to find in a novel that does not speak much to race and ethnicity at all."

Kirn responded to that sentiment on the show by pointing out that Orwell was writing about midcentury Britain: "When Orwell wrote the book, Black people made up maybe one percent of the population. It's like expecting white characters in every Nigerian novel."

Richard Keeble, former chair of the Orwell Society, argued that critiques of Orwell's treatment of race and gender have long been part of academic discourse. "Questioning Orwell's representation of Blacks in 1984 can usefully lead us to consider the evolution of his ideas on race generally," he told Newsweek. "Yet Orwell struggled throughout his life, and not with complete success, to exorcise what Edward Said called 'Orientalism.'"

Keeble added, "Trigger warnings and interpretative forewords... join the rich firmament of Orwellian scholarship—being themselves open to critique and analysis."

While critics like Kirn view Perkins-Valdez's new foreword as a symptom of virtue signaling run amok, others see it as part of a long-standing literary dialogue. Laura Beers, a historian at American University and author of Orwell's Ghosts: Wisdom and Warnings for the Twenty-First Century, acknowledged that such reactions reflect deeper political divides. But she defended the legitimacy of approaching Orwell through modern ethical and social lenses.

"What makes 1984 such a great novel is that it was written to transcend a specific historical context," she told Newsweek. "Although it has frequently been appropriated by the right as a critique of 'socialism,' it was never meant to be solely a critique of Stalin's Russia."

While critics like Kirn view Perkins-Valdez's new foreword as a symptom of virtue signaling run amok, others see it as part of a long-standing literary dialogue. Laura Beers, a historian at American University and author of Orwell's Ghosts: Wisdom and Warnings for the Twenty-First Century, acknowledged that such reactions reflect deeper political divides. But she defended the legitimacy of approaching Orwell through modern ethical and social lenses.

"What makes 1984 such a great novel is that it was written to transcend a specific historical context," she told Newsweek. "Although it has frequently been appropriated by the right as a critique of 'socialism,' it was never meant to be solely a critique of Stalin's Russia."

"Rather," she added, "it was a commentary on how absolute power corrupts absolutely, and the risk to all societies, including democracies like Britain and the United States, of the unchecked concentration of power."

Beers also addressed the role of interpretive material in shaping the reading experience. "Obviously, yes, in that 'interpretive forewords' give a reader an initial context in which to situate the texts that they are reading," she said. "That said, such forewords are more often a reflection on the attitudes and biases of their own time."

While the foreword has prompted the familiar battle lines playing out across the Trump-era culture wars, Beers sees the conversation itself as in keeping with Orwell's legacy.

"By attempting to place Orwell's work in conversation with changing values and historical understandings in the decades since he was writing," she said, "scholars like Perkins-Valdez are exercising the very freedom to express uncomfortable and difficult opinions that Orwell explicitly championed."

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Perkins-Valdez, a Black writer, Harvard graduate and professor of literature at American University, also noted the novel's lack of racial representation: "That sliver of connection can be difficult for someone like me to find in a novel that does not speak much to race and ethnicity at all."
In other words she either didn't read the book or didn't understand what she was reading. The party does not discriminate based on race at all.. It even makes a specific point of pointing this fact out, mentioning that the part, inner and outer is made up of members of all races, taken from their local region, specifically to avoid giving the population any reason to believe they were being ruled over by some foreign power or by people who were not one of their own

"I'm enjoying the novel on its own terms, not as a classic but as a good story; that is, until Winston reveals himself to be a problematic character," she writes. "For example, we learn of him: 'He disliked nearly all women, and especially the young and pretty ones.' Whoa, wait a minute, Orwell."
Example number two of her not reading or not understanding what she was reading. He had a very good and legitimate reason to dislike all women - they were the most successfully indoctrinated and the most fanatical supporters of the party, hence the junior anti sex league stuff and the fact a large part of the junior spies was made of up of women

This woman is outing herself as a fucking moron
 
Okay, that's three replies on this now from people for whom the name Winston conjures a Black default more so than a White same as it did for me
I believe Orwell would have chosen Winston (as in Churchill) and Smith (as in a common working class name) for semiotic reasons. It’s a name applicable to a patriotic working-class man. I’d assume it was chosen to highlight the disconnect between Smith, who is middle class, the proles he encounters (who have a freedom he does not) and the elites who break him, not because he is important, but because any unpunished dissent can spread.

The popularity of ‘Winston’ among blacks is mostly and Afro-Caribbean thing centered around the British colonies of Jamaica, Trinidad, West Indies etc, as these colonies were quite Anglophilic until the 70’s. It’s a case of Orwell understandably not predicting the rise of popularity of the name among that population.

if George Orwell rised from the grave, he would literally be called a national socialist and be throwing bricks at the labor Party.
He was a socialist who came to realize the utter insanity of globalist communism and the horrors it held for anyone subjugated by it. I believe he was shocked by what he saw during the Spanish civil war and realized that authoritarianism in general was evil, not just certain flavors of it.
 
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"For example, we learn of him: 'He disliked nearly all women, and especially the young and pretty ones.' Whoa, wait a minute, Orwell."
Finish the paragraph, you duplicitous cow:

“Winston had disliked her from the very first moment of seeing her. He knew the reason. It was because of the atmosphere of hockey−fields and cold baths and community hikes and general clean−mindedness which she managed to carry about with her. He disliked nearly all women, and especially the young and pretty ones. It was always the women, and above all the young ones, who were the most bigoted adherents of the Party, the swallowers of slogans, the amateur spies and nosers−out of unorthodoxy.”

No lies detected.
 
Richard Keeble, former chair of the Orwell Society, argued that critiques of Orwell's treatment of race and gender have long been part of academic discourse. "Questioning Orwell's representation of Blacks in 1984 can usefully lead us to consider the evolution of his ideas on race generally," he told Newsweek. "Yet Orwell struggled throughout his life, and not with complete success, to exorcise what Edward Said called 'Orientalism.'"
One thing leftoids love to do is white wash their heroes when a lot of them were racist and homophobic. Marx, Engels, Bakunin, Proudhon, Che et cetera had all sorts of interesting things to say about jews, niggers and gays. They deliberately try to hide this stuff because it hurts their egalitarian narratives, and it makes their actions of tearing down statues of "racist settlers" seem a bit awkward. Many of them would be aghast on what Marx and Engels thought about Mexicans, the Chinese and Indians - they were very much orientalist in their writings.
 
One thing leftoids love to do is white wash their heroes when a lot of them were racist and homophobic. Marx, Engels, Bakunin, Proudhon, Che et cetera had all sorts of interesting things to say about jews, niggers and gays. They deliberately try to hide this stuff because it hurts their egalitarian narratives, and it makes their actions of tearing down statues of "racist settlers" seem a bit awkward. Many of them would be aghast on what Marx and Engels thought about Mexicans, the Chinese and Indians - they were very much orientalist in their writings.
There have been many memes over the years comparing stuff marx actually said to "marxists". They're the same kind of insanely warped distortions into opposite land as "darwinists" in a lot of cases. Barely any of them even actually read the stuff by the guys too.

The more I encounter people who have thrown away prior identity for party politics or some "ist" stalk it's always shit where you can tellt hey care more about being with "the party's good graces" than the supposed thing they claim to base their ideology on.
 
I would push back on that as it clearly is speaking from Orwell's contemporary experience with the Soviet party. It may have some inspirations from fascism (which would also make sense for the time it was written) but it's also clearly not a real commentary on something like an absolute monarchy or an empowered priesthood/religious motivated totalitarianism.
Hi, I just re-read this introduction by Pynchon and he talks about this a little:
"In a way, this novel has been a victim of the success of Animal Farm, which most
people were content to read as a straightforward allegory about the melancholy fate of
the Russian revolution. From the minute Big Brother’s moustache makes its appearance
in the second paragraph of Nineteen Eighty-Four many readers, thinking right away of
Stalin, have tended to carry over the habit of point-for-point analogy from the earlier
work. Although Big Brother’s face certainly is Stalin’s, just as the despised Party heretic
Emmanuel Goldstein’s face is Trotsky’s, the two do not quite line up with their models as
neatly as Napoleon and Snowball did in Animal Farm. This did not keep the book from
being marketed in the United States as a sort of anti-communist tract. It arrived in the
thick of the McCarthy era, when ‘Communism’ was damned officially as a monolithic,
worldwide menace, and there was no point in even distinguishing between Stalin and
Trotsky, any more than for shepherds to be instructing sheep in the nuances of wolf
recognition.
This was not exactly Orwell’s intention. Though Nineteen Eighty-Four has brought aid
and comfort to generations of anti-communist ideologues with Pavlovian-response issues
of their own, Orwell’s politics were not only of the Left, but to the left of Left. He had
gone to Spain in 1937 to fight against Franco and his Nazi-supported fascists, and there
had quickly learned the difference between real and phony anti-fascism. ‘The Spanish
war and other events in 1936–7,’ he wrote ten years later, ‘turned the scale and
thereafter I knew where I stood. Every line of serious work that I have written since
1936 has been written, directly or indirectly, against totalitarianism and for democratic
socialism, as I know it.’
Orwell thought of himself as a member of the ‘dissident Left’, as distinguished from
the ‘official Left’, meaning basically the British Labour Party, most of which he had
come, well before the Second World War, to regard as potentially, if not already, fascist.
More or less consciously, he found an analogy between British Labour and the
Communist Party under Stalin – both, he felt, were movements professing to fight for
the working classes against capitalism but in reality concerned only with establishing
and perpetuating their own power. The masses were only there to be used – for their
idealism, their class resentments, their willingness to work cheap – and to be sold out,
again and again.
Now, those of fascistic disposition – or merely those among us who remain all too
ready to justify any government action, whether right or wrong – will immediately
point out that this is pre-war thinking, and that the moment enemy bombs begin to fall
on one’s homeland, altering the landscape and producing casualties among friends and
neighbours, all this sort of thing, really, becomes irrelevant, if not indeed subversive.
With the homeland in danger, strong leadership and effective measures become of the
essence, and if you want to call that fascism, very well, call it whatever you please, no
one is likely to be listening, unless it’s for the air raids to be over and the all clear to
sound. But the unseemliness of an argument – let alone a prophecy – in the heat of some
later emergency, does not necessarily make it wrong. One could certainly argue that
Churchill’s war cabinet had behaved no differently than a fascist regime, censoring
news, controlling wages and prices, restricting travel, subordinating civil liberties to
self-defined wartime necessity." - Thomas Pynchon
I think this further establishes that 1984 is more of a discussion about how a western society would be like under a totalitarian regime.
 
If Orwell browsed Reddit, he'd probably put a bullet in his brain after seeing how perfectly his warnings became instruction manuals for terminally-online bugmen. The site would become his Room 101, forcing him to confront the dystopian nightmare he tried to warn everyone about, where speech is sanitized, opinions pre-approved, and conformity dressed as rebellion is rewarded with dopamine hits. He'd watch midwits unironically deleting posts for "wrongthink," redditors smugly quoting him without grasping they're the ones enforcing thoughtcrime, and "intellectuals" insisting censorship is actually freedom, Orwell would personally rewrite 1984 just to include an entire chapter dedicated to subreddits policing ideas under the pretense of "community guidelines."
 
I listened to Walter and Matt talk about this last week. It was worth a listen, only recently came across their show. They do an interesting discussion about the novel and what's going on today.

The discussion about how dumb the lady who wrote for the forward was also interesting. How people like her are so indoctrinated in the woke shit that they can't understand the book. They're only seeing what they're trained to see. It's problematic? Why isn't it about race? That character is a misogynist. Why does this novel exist? Should people even read it? It's constantly being triggered through the lens of wrong and right think. About it being problematic she can't just read the novel.

She then completely misses the subtlety or the point of the novel. It's 1984 with an introduction by a resident of the society described in 1984. She concluded the novel is about love and community as healing forces.
 
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She writes that "a sliver of connection can be difficult for someone like me to find in a novel that does not speak much to race and ethnicity," noting the complete absence of Black characters.
In short, she finds it difficult to feel empathy for Winston. What sort of person finds it difficult to feel empathy for Winston because he doesn't share her race. Can you imagine if I wrote a forward to Uncle Tom's Cabin and said "it's well-written but I found it difficult to feel empathy for Eliza given that she's Black." Can you imagine the hue and cry? And rightly so! This woman is telling us how unfeeling she is.

And frankly, why would anyone want to put a forward to a book from someone who neither likes it nor has any deep insight into it?

I'm pretty sure we are living in Harrison Bergeron more than 1984.
Of course we are. Common Core maths is deliberately designed to hobble smarter children.
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(Thanks to @Retarded Weeb for these horrifying examples)


"watched the handmaids tale"
Wasn't that a book series originally? Do these people not rea-oh of course they don't that doesn't make them money.
It was a novel (I have read it) and Margaret Atwood's original inspiration was the Iranian Revolution but part way through she decided to set it in a future North America. Perhaps she correctly figured it would sell better that way. It reads like second-rate Sylvia Plath on the whole with many long and tedious passages about staircases and mirrors and more. I've not seen the adaptation but I've heard it said that they missed the message and I can't imagine what that means. In any case, I have a dislike of Margaret Atwood as a Sci-Fi writer who insists she's not a Sci-Fi writer - despite novels set in futures with genetic engineering run amok and others. But she looks down on Sci-Fi and therefore cannot be one.

Example number two of her not reading or not understanding what she was reading.
Reading the forward, my money is on the former looking at her forward. Again, it's madness for a publisher to get a forward from someone who is both so lazy with it and doesn't even like the book. She even suggests it's not a classic. Probably there was some money for this and the publisher bunged it to one of their favoured authors / agents as part of the general graft of the publishing industry.
 
I guess these kinds of forewords or similar are added into books to justify selling new versions, but opening a classic book with some writing from some random nobody author already seems self-indulgent and disrespectful.

"She never accuses Orwell of thoughtcrime. She never calls for censorship or cancelling Orwell."

In Rose-Barry's view, the foreword is neither invasive nor ideological, but reflective.
I haven't read more than the excerpts in the article, but yeah, seemingly not a direct call for censorship, but prefacing a text with "not bad, but problematic" sets a clear tone on how to read it. For a book like 1984 this is highly ironic since this is political slop that obviously distracts from what the book is saying, but also from more important things in the real world.

"Questioning Orwell's representation of Blacks in 1984 can usefully lead us to consider the evolution of his ideas on race generally,"
Maybe there isn't that much difference in practice, but don't you have the discussion afterwards? An afterword instead of a foreword. This feels more like poisoning the well instead of expanding people's understanding of the text.

A useful foreword would more be to make sense of a context the text is written in that a normal reader wouldn't get.
 
It's a long time since I read it so there may well be physical description that contradicts this, but when I read 1984 as a child I think I did picture Winston as Black. Mainly because there was a character on a TV show called Winston who was Black and I think that was the only Winston I'd ever heard of at that point. It wasn't a common name round my way.

Also, not all books are about race.
Me too. I always pictured him looking like the black guy from Ghostbusters when I first read it in middle school.
 
Why would you need a "warning" in the forward?

Aren't warnings just for things that are dangerous or harmful?

guess they didn't read the parts where it literally says blacks and indigenous people occupy the highest levels of power within the Party with no racial or ethnic discrimination, and that there is intentionally no meaningful travel or contact between different parts of Oceania making it basically impossible someone who isn't local would be present in another part of the nation.

The entire goal of the Party was to erase any other history, identity or ideology than Ingsoc and to either homogenize or destroy cultures and traditions to align with it. Race and sex simply wouldn't be relevant anymore, only the Party.
I haven't read 1984 in a while so I kind of forget some details but everytime it comes up I get refreshed on something that reminds me that the world is just oceana
 
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This feels like a schizo post. Like, this is something an actual lunatic would show to demonstrate time cube mathematics. Insane that this is real.
If you haven't come across it before I genuinely recommend you look into it. I am not being the slightest bit colourful when I wrote that it was designed to hobble the smart kids. That is its purpose. It really is like something from 1984. In Orwell's novel they are redesigning language to make it impossible to think bad things. In schools right now, they are redesigning arithmetic so that it can only be followed as rote process, not understood as deeper meaning. Someone would have to deliberately set about unlearning what they're taught in order to progress in mathematics.
 
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