US The FISA Report

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The FISA Report
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Much like with the FBI's report on the handling of the Clinton Email investigation, I don't care what the mainstream outlets will have to say about the FISA Report. This report is over 400 pages long and not a word of it leaked to the press ahead of time, and on top of that they're all window-licking idiots so I couldn't give half of a rat's ass what they have to say about it. I'm sure that at some point one of them will manage to push out a good article about it, but I want this thread to be a repository and a page-by-page examination of the report and its contents independent from journalistic vomit.

If you need a primer on what exactly FISA surveillance even means, there's an excellent primer for it over here, and the same author also wrote a long article concerning the oddities in Carter Page's FISA warrant over here. In the event that you're just curious about how we got to this point or want an overall history of the entire debacle, there's a summary for all of that over here.

The gist of it is that FISA Title I and Title III surveillance require there be probable cause to believe the proposed target is a foreign power or an agent of a foreign power. They're explicitly designed for foreign spies. These warrants are not supposed to be used against U.S. citizens without a goddamned good reason, and yet that's exactly what happened, and it happened multiple times. It also conveniently just happened to be people in Trump's campaign that were campaign managers who got hit with these FISA warrants, meaning that because of the Three-Hop Rule, the Obama administration was essentially given free reign to spy on literally everyone in Trump's campaign, including Trump himself.

If you were wondering why Horowitz' investigation had to dip so far back to the point where it completely predated all of the Russiagate crap then congratulations, you're asking yourself a smart question. It all had to be rewound to the very beginning because at the very start of this, the entire Trump-Russia collusion narrative was predicated on a hoax, and then everything that came after that hoax just piled onto the lies. Every breathless second the media screamed about Russian collusion, every politician screaming about impeaching "Trump, the Russian Asset", all of it was built on top of this one, original lie, and without it the entire house of cards just falls to pieces.

The reason that Horowitz dug all the way back into the FISA warrants is because one man proved beyond any shadow of any doubt that these warrants could not have been obtained legally. Mueller's Special Counsel proved beyond a doubt that the entire Trump-Russia collusion story was nothing more than a wild conspiracy theory. There has never been evidence put forward to prove that a word of it was real, and because of that, there clearly was not probable cause to allow for FISA warrants to be obtained against Trump campaign members. Despite what so many people were expecting Mueller to do, the only thing that Mueller's S.C. succeeded at doing was stripping away the cover story for the spying on the Trump campaign.

Whether or not that was intentional is anyone's guess and you're likely never going to be able to prove the Mueller "White hat/Black hat" theory one way or the other anyways, so it's a bit of a moot point. The fact remains that at the very end of his investigation, it was proven that there was no definitive evidence or probable cause to assume that the Trump campaign was colluding with Russia. Now you know why it was Rod Rosenstein's job to give these frantic, desperate bloodhounds the wider and ever-widening scope they kept asking of him. At the end of this, when Mueller himself was going to be forced to admit he couldn't find any evidence, it was game over for the Collusion Narrative.

Thank you, Robert Mueller.

The only real questions left are as to how the Steele Dossier (Remember that one? It's been awhile.) wound up being shoved ass-first into these FISA warrants even though the Steele Dossier was a remarkably flawed piece of opposition research, and how the FISA warrants were renewed four times in the absence of any legitimate evidence. I'm expecting to hear quite a bit about Rudolph Contreras and the FISC court somewhere in this report, because there were a lot of questions surrounding that whole mess that are in desperate need of an answer.

Either way, I don't want to write a preamble longer than the fucking report itself, so let's see how idiotic our government was with the FISA warrants.
 
Alright I claim Ch. 10, will have it up by tomorrow if possible.

All right faggots, it's time for CHAPTER TEN.

This chapter is about CHSs, short for Confidential Human Sources, or in English informants, and UCEs, Undercover Employees, or in English spies. It concludes that CHSs and UCEs were not used to interact with the Trump campaign before the start of Crossfire Hurricane (CFH), that the FBI didn't plant CHSs and UCEs in the Trump campaign or ask any to report on it after CFH started, and they couldn't find any evidence that its use of CHSs and UCEs was "influenced by political bias and improper motivations". (xvii, PDF 21).

However, CHSs were used to "consensually monitor interactions" (the consent of whom, it doesn't say.) Through this they managed to gather evidence that could have explained away the accusations, but which they didn't talk about in the applications for the warrants. It recommends that the policies regarding use of CHSs and UCEs be changed to provide more "oversight and accountability" and also protect First Amendment rights.

There is another incident of foul play mentioned here. In August 2016, each candidate with their national security advisors was invited to a briefing about "the threat posed by foreign intelligence services to the national security of the US." The briefing Trump came to was presented by the director of CFH, and it was designed to catch Flynn, a target of that investigation there. Following that he (the director) submitted a report about Trump to the FBI and added it to the case file.

Parts I, II and III, Sections A and B simply describe methodology, background, and procedure, and are not at all interesting to read. The most important takeaway from that is they didn't find any evidence to say that the investigation was politicized, at least insofar as CHSs were involved. "Priestap said that he 'absolutely would not have tolerated' politicization of the investigation, and that he never saw anything to indicate that type of activity was occurring. " (311, PDF 353)
CHS.png

So, Priestap who was in charge of that says he didn't try to infiltrate the campaign. But note "I'm actually pretty darn confident we could have been able to do that" (!!!)

Part IV-A states that they didn't use any CHSs on the Trump campaign before the start of CFH.

Page 313 (PDF 355):
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Get comfortable with our new friend, he'll be with us for the next 20 pages.

The CFH team invites Source 2 over for a meeting. They find out he knows his shit, and has personal contacts with 3 of the 4 they want to investigate. They said they were "assigned to a project", but didn't reveal the investigation or any specifics about it. Source 2 says he's been invited to join the Trump campaign. He's decided not to, but also decided not to tell anybody from the Trump campaign about that. He agrees to work with the CFH team and provide them information.
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Because this would have caused a ton of PR and ethics issues, the feds are relieved Source 2 had decided to stay out of the Trump campaign. They decide to let him make up his own mind about joining.

The next day they have a follow-up meeting with Source 2. They ask Source 2 to talk with Carter Page and Papadopoulos.

Page and Source 2 meet four times, each time is recorded by the FBI.

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Notice footnote 466. Won't be the last time.

Page complains to Source 2 about being hounded by the media. When he is asked whether they are planning an October surprise, he replies "I don't, I-I don't know."

Page asks Source 2 to help with the Trump campaign. Source 2 says no. He remarks that Page seemed "pretty guarded" at the debriefing after this meeting.

The next meeting is in October, a few days after they've gotten a FISC warrant to spy on Page.
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Page says he doesn't want to work in government if Trump wins. He does criticize the US government policy in dealing with Russia, and wants to start a think tank to do that. He says the Russians would fund it, however it's not clear if it was intended as a joke.
 
All right faggots, it's time for CHAPTER TEN.
Nice job! (You and @It's HK-47 are so fast...)

Meanwhile I'm still plodding along with Chapter 9. Almost there...

Page 292 (PDF page 330):
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So Ohr was also somehow a part of the Manafort investigation, despite the Section Chief insisting that Ohr had no role in that investigation:
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Page 293 (PDF page 331):
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Again: even if we're assuming that nobody here is lying to cover their own ass, then that just means that the communication at the FBI is so bad that Ohr/Swartz can effectively ignore the chain of command and waltz around flaunting nonexistent authority to direct whatever investigations they want.

Indeed, from pages 293 to 294 (PDF pages 331 and 332):
fisa46.jpg

fisa47.jpg

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Yeah no shit, Kendall. It's almost like that's the entire point of having a chain of command in the first place.

Pages 294 and 295 (PDF pages 332 and 333):
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fisa50.jpg

Caldwell's right. Also, I'm not sure what Yates is going on about. Based on everything we've read so far, the DoJ absolutely operates that way.

Page 296 (PDF page 334):
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Not "okay" indeed!

Page 297 (PDF page 335):
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"Hey, remember when I called you guys into my office and told you to settle down and stop trying to fuck up my Manafort investigation?"
"Nope."
"Me neither."
 
Horowitz is in the sweet spot every good beurocrat wants to be in. A position of authority that does not require making the final decisions. Merely presenting things for the person who does. In this particular case that would be the Attorney General. Horowitz can afford to avoid saying whether or not laws were broken because that is not his purview
His job was to investigate whether or not policy and regulations were broken. That is the key difference between an Inspector General and a DOJ attorney.

That said there is enough here for arrests to be made. Especially that asshat who falsified evidence submitted to the court to obtain warrants.
This makes dumbass Harris look especially ignorant for basically demanding answers from Horowitz about Barr "interfering" in his investigation.

Too bad Horowitz was all polite and didn't say "how fucking dumb are you lady?"
 
Sorry, I haven't abandoned the thread or finished wrapping this report up yet, but I've been getting slammed by the worst fucking cold/flu/plague that I've had in years. My life has been dominated by the need to chug cough medicine and the will to die.
 
Sorry, I haven't abandoned the thread or finished wrapping this report up yet, but I've been getting slammed by the worst fucking cold/flu/plague that I've had in years. My life has been dominated by the need to chug cough medicine and the will to die.
THE GLOWS ARE USING BIOCHEM WARFARE
 
Sorry, I haven't abandoned the thread or finished wrapping this report up yet, but I've been getting slammed by the worst fucking cold/flu/plague that I've had in years. My life has been dominated by the need to chug cough medicine and the will to die.

These are just the first symptoms of A&H Moderator AIDS
 
Sorry, I haven't abandoned the thread or finished wrapping this report up yet, but I've been getting slammed by the worst fucking cold/flu/plague that I've had in years. My life has been dominated by the need to chug cough medicine and the will to die.


Hope you feel better. Not to worry about this. Believe there's still a great deal more to discuss. Thanks again for your work.
 
Sorry, I haven't abandoned the thread or finished wrapping this report up yet, but I've been getting slammed by the worst fucking cold/flu/plague that I've had in years. My life has been dominated by the need to chug cough medicine and the will to die.

Papa Nurgle's Blessing is upon you, my son.

Seriously though, get well soon.
 
Sorry, I haven't abandoned the thread or finished wrapping this report up yet, but I've been getting slammed by the worst fucking cold/flu/plague that I've had in years. My life has been dominated by the need to chug cough medicine and the will to die.
If it's the same bug going around here it lasts about 4 days then it breaks up pretty quickly. Get well soon.

( I thought murder robots didn't get the flu?)
 
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Glenn Greenwald's piece on the FISA report dropped:

Full article said:
The Inspector General’s Report on 2016 FBI Spying Reveals a Scandal of Historic Magnitude: Not Only for the FBI but Also the U.S. Media

JUST AS WAS TRUE when the Mueller investigation closed without a single American being charged with criminally conspiring with Russia over the 2016 election, Wednesday’s issuance of the long-waited report from the Department of Justice’s Inspector General reveals that years of major claims and narratives from the U.S. media were utter frauds.
Before evaluating the media component of this scandal, the FBI’s gross abuse of its power – its serial deceit – is so grave and manifest that it requires little effort to demonstrate it. In sum, the IG Report documents multiple instances in which the FBI – in order to convince a FISA court to allow it spy on former Trump campaign operative Carter Page during the 2016 election – manipulated documents, concealed crucial exonerating evidence, and touted what it knew were unreliable if not outright false claims.
If you don’t consider FBI lying, concealment of evidence, and manipulation of documents in order to spy on a U.S. citizen in the middle of a presidential campaign to be a major scandal, what is? But none of this is aberrational: the FBI still has its headquarters in a building named after J. Edgar Hoover – who constantly blackmailed elected officials with dossiers and tried to blackmail Martin Luther King into killing himself – because that’s what these security state agencies are. They are out-of-control, virtually unlimited police state factions that lie, abuse their spying and law enforcement powers, and subvert democracy and civic and political freedoms as a matter of course.
In this case, no rational person should allow standard partisan bickering to distort or hide this severe FBI corruption. The IG Report leaves no doubt about it. It’s brimming with proof of FBI subterfuge and deceit, all in service of persuading a FISA court of something that was not true: that U.S. citizen and former Trump campaign official Carter Page was an agent of the Russian government and therefore needed to have his communications surveilled.

Just a few excerpts from the report should suffice to end any debate for rational persons about how damning it is. The focus of the first part of the IG Report was on the warrants obtained by the DOJ, at the behest of the FBI, to spy on Carter Page on the grounds that there was probable cause to believe he was an agent of the Russian government. That Page was a Kremlin agent was a widely disseminated media claim – typically asserted as fact even though it had no evidence. As a result of this media narrative, the Mueller investigation examined these widespread accusations yet concluded that “the investigation did not establish that Page coordinated with the Russian government in its efforts to interfere with the 2016 presidential election.”
The IG Report went much further, documenting a multitude of lies and misrepresentations by the FBI to deceive the FISA court into believing that probable cause existed to believe Page was a Kremlin agent. The first FISA warrant to spy on Page was obtained during the 2016 election, after Page had left the Trump campaign but weeks before the election was to be held.
About the warrant application submitted regarding Page, the IG Report, in its own words, “found that FBI personnel fell far short of the requirement in FBI policy that they ensure that all factual statements in a FISA application are ‘scrupulously accurate.'” Specifically, “we identified multiple instances in which factual assertions relied upon in the first FISA application were inaccurate, incomplete, or unsupported by appropriate documentation, based upon information the FBI had in its possession at the time the application was filed.”
It’s vital to reiterate this because of its gravity: we identified multiple instances in which factual assertions relied upon in the first FISA application were inaccurate, incomplete, or unsupported by appropriate documentation, based upon information the FBI had in its possession at the time the application was filed.



The specifics cited by the IG Report are even more damning. Specifically, “based upon the information known to the FBI in October 2016, the first application contained [] seven significant inaccuracies and omissions.” Among those “significant inaccuracies and omissions”: the FBI concealed that Page had been working with the CIA in connection with his dealings with Russia and had notified CIA case managers of at least some of those contacts after he was “approved as an ‘operational contact'” with Russia; the FBI lied about both the timing and substance of Page’s relationship with the CIA; vastly overstated the value and corroboration of Steele’s prior work for the U.S. Government to make him appear more credible than he was; and concealed from the court serious reasons to doubt the reliability of Steele’s key source.
Moreover, the FBI’s heavy reliance on the Steele Dossier to obtain the FISA warrant – a fact that many leading national security reporters spent two years denying occurred – was particularly concerning because, as the IG Report put it, “we found that the FBI did not have information corroborating the specific allegations against Carter Page in Steele’s reporting when it relied upon his reports in the first FISA application or subsequent renewal applications.”
To spy on a U.S. citizen in the middle of an election, one who had just been working with one of the two major presidential campaigns, the FBI touted a gossipy, unverified, unreliable rag that it had no reason to believe and every reason to distrust, but it hid all of that from the FISA court, which it knew needed to believe that the Steele Dossier was something it was not if it were to give the FBI the spying authorization it wanted.
In 2017, the FBI decided to seek reauthorization of the FISA warrant to continue to spy on Page, and sought and obtained it three times: in January, April and June, 2017. Not only, according to the IG Report, did the FBI repeat all of those “seven significant inaccuracies and omission,” but added ten additional major inaccuracies. As the Report put it: “In addition to repeating the seven significant errors contained in the first FISA application and outlined above, we identified 10 additional significant errors in the three renewal applications, based upon information known to the FBI after the first application and before one or more of the renewals.”
Among the most significant new acts of deceit was that the FBI “omitted the fact that Steele’s Primary Subsource, who the FBI found credible, had made statements in January 2017 raising significant questions about the reliability of allegations included in the FISA applications, including, for example, that he/she did not recall any discussion with Person 1 concerning Wikileaks and there was ‘nothing bad’ about the communications between the Kremlin and the Trump team, and that he/she did not report to Steele in July 2016 that Page had met with Sechin.”
In other words, Steele’s own key source told the FBI that Steele was lying about what the source said: an obviously critical fact that the FBI simply concealed from the FISA court because it knew how devastating that would be to being able to continue to spy on Page. As the Report put it, “among the most serious of the 10 additional errors we found in the renewal applications was the FBI’s failure to advise [DOJ] or the court of the inconsistences, described in detail in Chapter Six, between Steele and his Primary Sub-source on the reporting relied upon in the FISA applications.”
The IG Report also found that the FBI hid key information from the court about Steele’s motives: for instance, it “omitted information obtained from [Bruce] Ohr about Steele and his election reporting, including that (1) Steele’s reporting was going to Clinton’s presidential campaign and others, (2) [Fusion GPS’s Glenn] Simpson was paying Steele to discuss his reporting with the media, and (3) Steele was “desperate that Donald Trump not get elected and was passionate about him not being the U.S. President.”
If it does not bother you to learn that the FBI repeatedly and deliberately deceived the FISA court into granting it permission to spy on a U.S. citizen in the middle of a presidential campaign, then it is virtually certain that you are either someone with no principles, someone who cares only about partisan advantage and nothing about basic civil liberties and the rule of law, or both. There is simply no way for anyone of good faith to read this IG Report and reach any conclusion other than that this is yet another instance of the FBI abusing its power in severe ways to subvert and undermine U.S. democracy. If you don’t care about that, what do you care about?
* * * * *
But the revelations of the IG Report are not merely a massive FBI scandal. They are also a massive media scandal, because they reveal that so much of what the U.S. media has authoritatively claimed about all of these matters for more than two years is completely false.
Ever since Trump’s inauguration, a handful of commentators and journalists – I’m included among them – have been sounding the alarm about the highly dangerous trend of news outlets not merely repeating the mistake of the Iraq War by blindly relying on the claims of security state agents but, far worse, now employing them in their newsrooms to shape the news. As Politico’s media writer Jack Shafer wrote in 2018, in an article entitled “The Spies Who Came Into the TV Studio”:
In the old days, America’s top spies would complete their tenures at the CIA or one of the other Washington puzzle palaces and segue to more ordinary pursuits. Some wrote their memoirs. One ran for president. Another died a few months after surrendering his post. But today’s national-security establishment retiree has a different game plan. After so many years of brawling in the shadows, he yearns for a second, lucrative career in the public eye. He takes a crash course in speaking in soundbites, refreshes his wardrobe and signs a TV news contract. Then, several times a week, waits for a network limousine to shuttle him to the broadcast news studios where, after a light dusting of foundation and a spritz of hairspray, he takes a supporting role in the anchors’ nighttime shows. . . .
[T]he downside of outsourcing national security coverage to the TV spies is obvious. They aren’t in the business of breaking news or uncovering secrets. Their first loyalty—and this is no slam—is to the agency from which they hail. Imagine a TV network covering the auto industry through the eyes of dozens of paid former auto executives and you begin to appreciate the current peculiarities.
In a perfect television world, the networks would retire the retired spooks from their payrolls and reallocate those sums to the hiring of independent reporters to cover the national security beat. Let the TV spies become unpaid anonymous sources because when you get down to it, TV spies don’t want to make news—they just want to talk about it.
It’s long been the case that CIA, FBI and NSA operatives tried to infiltrate and shape domestic news, but they at least had the decency to do it clandestinely. In 2008, the New York Times’ David Barstow won the Pulitzer Prize for exposing a secret Pentagon program in which retired Generals and other security state agents would get hired as commentators and analysts and then – unbeknownst to their networks – coordinate their messaging to ensure that domestic news was being shaped by the propaganda of the military and intelligence communities.
But now it’s all out in the open. It’s virtually impossible to turn on MSNBC or CNN without being bombarded with former Generals, CIA operatives, FBI agents and NSA officials who now work for those networks as commentators and, increasingly, as reporters.

Sam Vinograd

@sam_vinograd

https://twitter.com/sam_vinograd/status/1196926004431900674

Congrats to my friend @joshscampbell, CNN’s newest national Correspondent. His passion for going where the news is and covering important stories will continue to benefit viewers.
View image on Twitter
https://twitter.com/intent/like?tweet_id=1196926004431900674


The past three years of “Russiagate” reporting – for which U.S. journalists have lavished themselves with Pulitzers and other prizes despite a multitude of embarrassing and dangerous errors about the Grave Russian Threat – has relied almost exclusively on anonymous, uncorroborated claims from Deep State operatives (and yes, that’s a term that fully applies to the U.S.). The few exceptions are when these networks feature former high-level security state operatives on camera to spread their false propaganda, as in this enduringly humiliating instance:

Terry Moran

@TerryMoran

https://twitter.com/TerryMoran/status/1110010116361932800

John Brennan has a lot to answer for—going before the American public for months, cloaked with CIA authority and openly suggesting he’s got secret info, and repeatedly turning in performances like this.

Embedded video


20.6K

3:46 AM - Mar 25, 2019 · Washington, DC

All of this has meant that U.S. discourse on these national security questions is shaped almost entirely by the very agencies that are trained to lie: the CIA, the NSA, the Pentagon, the FBI. And their lying has been highly effective.
For years, we were told by the nation’s leading national security reporters something that was blatantly false: that the FBI’s warrants to spy on Carter Page were not based on the Steele Dossier. GOP Congressman Devin Nunes was widely vilified and mocked by the super-smart DC national security reporters for issuing a report claiming that this was the case. The Nunes memo in essence claimed what the IG Report has corroborated: that embedded within the FBI’s efforts to obtain FISA court authorization to spy on Carter Page was a series of misrepresentations, falsehoods and concealment of key evidence:



As the Rolling Stone’s Matt Taibbi – one of the few left/liberal journalists with the courage and integrity to dissent from the DNC/MSNBC script on these issues – put it in a detailed article: “Democrats are not going to want to hear this, since conventional wisdom says former House Intelligence chief Devin Nunes is a conspiratorial evildoer, but the Horowitz report ratifies the major claims of the infamous ‘Nunes memo.’”
That the Page warrant was based on the Steele Dossier was something that the media servants of the FBI and CIA rushed to deny. Did they have any evidence for those denials? That would be hard to believe, given that the FISA warrant applications are highly classified. It seems far more likely that – as usual – they were just repeating what the FBI and CIA (and the pathologically dishonest Rep. Adam Schiff) told them to say, like the good and loyal puppets that they are. But either way, what they kept telling the public – in highly definitive tones – was completely false, as we now know from the IG Report:

FusionDOJ@jancisvaynrchuk

· Jan 12, 2018

Replying to @shaneharris
Shane, what was used for the FISA warrants to spy on Carter Page? Are you telling us that the Dossier was not used? Otherwise what you are tweeting about is an irrelevant sideshow. @KimStrassel

Shane Harris

@shaneharris


Yes. I am telling you the dossier was not used as the basis for a FISA warrant on Carter Page.

716

5:44 AM - Jan 12, 2018
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Jim Sciutto

@jimsciutto

https://twitter.com/jimsciutto/status/959499923346677762

New: Two Democratic members of House Intel tell me McCabe did not say dossier was basis of FISA warrant, disputing central claim of #NunesMemo

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7:53 PM - Feb 2, 2018
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Over and over, the IG Report makes clear that, contrary to these denials, the Steele Dossier was indeed crucial to the Page eavesdropping warrant. “We determined that the Crossfire Hurricane team’s receipt of Steele’s election reporting on September 19, 2016 played a central and essential role in the FBI’s and Department’s decision to seek the FISA order,” the IG Report explained. A central and essential role.
It added: “in support of the fourth element in the FISA application-Carter Page’s alleged coordination with the Russian government on 2016 U.S. presidential election activities, the application relied entirely on the following information from Steele Reports 80, 94, 95, and 102.”
Just compare the pompous denials from so many U.S. national security reporters at the nation’s leading news outlets – that the Page warrant was not based on the Steele Dossier – to the actual truth that we now know: “in support of the fourth element in the FISA application-Carter Page’s alleged coordination with the Russian government on 2016 U.S. presidential election activities, the applicationrelied entirely on the following information from Steele Reports 80, 94, 95, and 102″ (emphasis added).
Indeed, it was the Steele Dossier that led FBI leadership, including Director James Comey and Deputy Diretor Andrew McCabe, to approve the warrant application in the first place despite concerns raised by other agents that the information was unreliable. Explains the IG Report:
FBI leadership supported relying on Steele’s reporting to seek a FISA order on Page after being advised of, and giving consideration to, concerns expressed by Stuart Evans, then NSD’s Deputy Assistant Attorney General with oversight responsibility over QI, that Steele may have been hired by someone associated with presidential candidate Clinton or the DNC, and that the foreign intelligence to be collected through the FISA order would probably not be worth the ‘risk’ of being criticized later for collecting communications of someone (Carter Page) who was “politically sensitive.”
The narrative manufactured by the security state agencies and laundered by their reliable media servants about these critical matters was a sham, a fraud, a lie. Yet again, U.S. discourse was subsumed by propaganda because the U.S. media and key parts of the security state have decided that subverting the Trump presidency is of such a high priority – that their political judgment outweighs the results of the election – that everything, including outright lying even to courts let alone the public, is justified because the ends are so noble.
As Taibbi put it: “No matter what people think the political meaning of the Horowitz report might be, reporters who read it will know: Anybody who touched this nonsense in print should be embarrassed.” No matter how dangerous you believe the Trump presidency to be, this is a grave threat to the pillars of U.S. democracy, a free press, an informed citizenry and the rule of law.
* * * * *
Underlying all of this is another major lie spun over the last three years by the newly-minted media stars and liberal icons from the security state agencies. Ever since the Snowden reporting – indeed, prior to that, when the New York Times’ Eric Lichtblau and Jim Risen (now with the Intercept) revealed in 2005 that the Bush-era NSA was illegally spying on U.S. citizens without the warrants required by law – it was widely understood that the FISA process was a rubber-stamping joke, an illusory safeguard that, in reality, offered no real limits on the ability of the U.S. Government to spy on its own citizens. Back in 2013 at the Guardian, I wrote a long article, based on Snowden documents, revealing what an empty sham this process was.

But over the last three years, the strategy of Democrats and liberals – particularly their cable outlets and news sites – has been to venerate and elevate security state agents as the noble truth-tellers of U.S. democracy. Once-reviled-by-liberal sites such as Lawfare – composed of little more than pro-NSA and pro-FBI apparatchiks – gained mainstream visibility for the first timeon the strength of a whole new group of liberals who decided that the salvation of U.S. democracy lies not with the political process but with the dark arts of the NSA, the FBI and the CIA.

Sites like Lawfare – led by Comey-friend Benjamin Wittes and ex-NSA lawyer Susan Hennessey – became Twitter and cable news stars and used their platform to resuscitate what had been a long-discredited lie: namely, that the FISA process is highly rigorous and that the potential for abuse is very low. Liberals, eager to believe that the security state agencies opposed to Trump should be trusted despite their decades of violent lawlessness and systemic lying, came to believe in the sanctity of the NSA and the FISA process.
The IG Report obliterates that carefully cultivated delusion. It lays bare what a sham the whole FISA process is, how easy it is for the NSA and the FBI to obtain from the FISA court whatever authorization it wants to spy on any Americans they want regardless of how flimsy is the justification. The ACLU and other civil libertarians had spent years finally getting people to realize this truth, but it was wiped out by the Trump-era veneration of these security state agencies.
In an excellent article on the fallout from the IG Report, the New York Times’ Charlie Savage, long one of the leading journalistic experts on these debates, makes clear how devastating these revelations are to this concocted narrative designed to lead Americans to trust the FBI and NSA’s eavesdropping authorities:
At more than 400 pages, the study amounted to the most searching look ever at the government’s secretive system for carrying out national-security surveillance on American soil. And what the report showed was not pretty.
The Justice Department’s independent inspector general, Michael E. Horowitz, and his team uncovered a staggeringly dysfunctional and error-ridden process in how the F.B.I. went about obtaining and renewing court permission under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, or FISA, to wiretap Carter Page, a former Trump campaign adviser.
“The litany of problems with the Carter Page surveillance applications demonstrates how the secrecy shrouding the government’s one-sided FISA approval process breeds abuse,” said Hina Shamsi, the director of the American Civil Liberties Union’s National Security Project. “The concerns the inspector general identifies apply to intrusive investigations of others, including especially Muslims, and far better safeguards against abuse are necessary.”…
His exposé left some former officials who generally defend government surveillance practices aghast.
“These errors are bad,” said David Kris, an expert in FISA who oversaw the Justice Department’s National Security Division in the Obama administration. “If the broader audit of FISA applications reveals a systematic pattern of errors of this sort that plagued this one, then I would expect very serious consequences and reforms”….
Civil libertarians for years have called the surveillance court a rubber stamp because it only rarely rejects wiretap applications. Out of 1,080 requests by the government in 2018, for example, government records showed that the court fully denied only one.
Defenders of the system have argued that the low rejection rate stems in part from how well the Justice Department self-polices and avoids presenting the court with requests that fall short of the legal standard. They have also stressed that officials obey a heightened duty to be candid and provide any mitigating evidence that might undercut their request. . . .
But the inspector general found major errors, material omissions and unsupported statements about Mr. Page in the materials that went to the court. F.B.I. agents cherry-picked the evidence, telling the Justice Department information that made Mr. Page look suspicious and omitting material that cut the other way, and the department passed that misleading portrait onto the court.
This system of unlimited domestic spying was built by both parties, which only rouse themselves to object when the power lies in the other side’s hands. Just last year, the vast majority of the GOP caucus joined with a minority of Democrats led by Nancy Pelosi and Adam Schiff to hand President Trump all-new domestic spying powers while blocking crucial reforms and safeguards to prevent abuse. The spying machinery that Edward Snowden risked his life and liberty to expose always has been, and still is, a bipartisan creation.
Perhaps these revelations will finally lead to a realization about how rogue, and dangerous, these police state agencies have become, and how urgently needed is serious reform. But if nothing else, it must serve as a tonic to the three years of unrelenting media propaganda that has deceived and misled millions of Americans into believing things that are simply untrue.
None of these journalists have acknowledged an iota of error in the wake of this report because they know that lying is not just permitted but encouraged as long as it pleases and vindicates the political beliefs of their audiences. Until that stops, credibility and faith in journalism will never be restored, and – despite how toxic it is to have a media that has no claim on credibility – that despised status will be fully deserved.
 
I posted this in the British election thread and thought it would be relevant reading since it's penned by the founders of Fusion GPS. These people are dangerous.

Britain needs its own Mueller report on Russian ‘interference’
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/dec/12/britain-mueller-report-russian-media-uk-us (http://archive.vn/hp2Qz)
Conservative-leaning media in the UK and US see little mileage in exposing meddling that helped their own side

Glenn R Simpson and Peter Fritsch


The British political system has become thoroughly compromised by Russian influence. It’s high time its institutions – including the media – woke up to that fact. In 2016, both the United Kingdom and the United States were the targets of Russian efforts to swing their votes. The aim was to weaken the alliances that had constrained Vladimir Putin’s ambitions, such as the European Union and Nato.

The efforts in both countries had much in common. They were aided by a transatlantic cast of characters loosely organised around the Trump and Brexit campaigns. Many of them worked in concert and interacted with Russians close to the Kremlin. The outcome in both countries was also eerily similar. Both countries have been at war with themselves in the three years since, pulling them back from the international stage at a time when Putin has consolidated his position in Crimea, Ukraine, Syria and beyond.

Our Washington-based research firm, Fusion GPS, conducted much of the early investigations into Russia’s support of the Trump campaign, aided by our colleague Christopher Steele, the former head of MI6’s Russia desk. While our initial focus was on Russian meddling in US politics, it has since become increasingly clear that Britain’s political system has also been deeply affected by Russian influence operations.

There the similarities end. For the past three years, the US has undergone a messy and boisterous effort to understand the extent of Russian influence on the 2016 election and beyond. There have been multiple congressional investigations with the power to compel documents and testimony from witnesses. There was a two-year investigation by special counsel Robert Mueller.

After mostly ignoring the issue during the election campaign itself, the US media have made up for lost time by digging deeply into Russian interference and the extent of the Trump campaign’s complicity.

All of these investigations have been imperfect. The congressional investigations often devolved into farce as Trump’s political allies decided to investigate the investigators instead of Russia’s attack. The Mueller report’s damning findings were obfuscated by lawyerly language and twisted beyond recognition by Trump’s loyal attorney general. Mueller interpreted his mandate narrowly, leaving crucial questions unanswered.

But the process did produce an avalanche of documents and testimony, a great deal of it public, that has aided understanding of what occurred. That makes it harder for Russia to reprise its attack. The Mueller report’s main finding – that Russia had engaged in a “sweeping and systematic” campaign to elect Trump – was unambiguous and thoroughly documented. So too was Mueller’s clarion call for Americans of all political persuasions to wake up to the continuing threat of Russian interference in its politics.

In Britain, the official response has consisted largely of denial. Consumed by bitter divisions over Brexit and public spending, it took years longer than it should have for parliament to conduct an investigation of Russian penetration of British politics. Even now, the government has suppressed its findings until after the election – an unconscionable decision given the importance to the democratic system itself.

Many US institutions have shown more backbone and independence than their UK counterparts. Some of those who served in the Trump administration, such as the British-born Fiona Hill and Lt Col Alexander Vindman, have been willing to stand up in public and tell the truth, despite intimidation from the president and his allies. In the UK, the courageous whistleblowers needed to expose Russian influence have yet to emerge.

The UK media have started prying into these issues and important work has been conducted shedding light on the actions of Russian-backed groups such as the Conservative Friends of Russia. But, in general, news organisations have been slow off the mark, stymied by dwindling resources and overloaded by the hurricane of Brexit news. Britain’s onerous libel laws and its culture of official secrecy have only made matters worse.

In both the US and the UK, there’s an understandable tendency by those helped by Russian efforts to minimise the perception of this influence. Conservative-leaning media in both countries see little advantage in uncovering Russian meddling that would appear to undercut their own political preferences. In the US, some of Trump’s defenders have even resorted to parroting Russian propaganda that falsely shifts the blame for their interference to rivals in Ukraine.

The British official instinct to handle these unpleasant matters in private has not served it well. The public cannot have confidence that the political establishment will deal with these thorny issues any better than it has with Brexit.

In short, Britain needs its own Mueller report: a full, independent and public accounting of Russian efforts to interfere in its politics. Few people will look forward to this process in a country already exhausted from fighting over Brexit. But it’s essential to halt Russia’s attack on Britain’s democracy and restore confidence in its politics.

Putin will not be easily deterred. Russia’s economy is smaller than Italy’s, with little prospect of growth so long as it suffers under his kleptocracy. The only option to become relatively stronger, Putin believes, is to divide and weaken his adversaries. However, Putin is not the Wizard of Oz. He cannot invent underlying political currents; he can only intensify them.


This is the biggest danger we face: that we cannot escape our partisanship long enough to face down our common enemy. Putin is not a Conservative; nor is he a Republican. The next time he interferes it could easily be in favour of their political opponents. Britain’s institutions must wake up to the Russian threat before Putin seriously damages the country’s centuries-old democracy.

• Glenn R Simpson and Peter Fritsch, both former journalists, are the founders of the research firm Fusion GPS. Their new book is Crime in Progress: The Secret History of the Trump-Russia Investigation
 
Page mentions that the media is lying when it talks about how he's met sanctioned officials. He says he has never met most of them, and some of these names he hasn't even heard of. Even if he did, it's not illegal to meet a sanctioned official as long as they don't give each other anything or do business.
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The statement that in all probability is an off-hand joke is included in the application for a FISA warrant, but the multiple very serious flat-out denials of wrongdoing are not.

The third meeting is in December 2016, after Trump's election and right after Page has returned from giving a talk at a university in Moscow. Source 2 asks Page what he feels about the Clinton email leaks. Here is his response:
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The Russians quite like the idea of having a think tank that wants US foreign policy not to oppose Russia so much, and tell him to come back with a formal proposal. They offer to help with the financing, but Page isn't sure whether to accept or reject it, as taking Russian funding might diminish his credibility.

This material is used in the FISA application.

The fourth and last meeting is in January of 2017. No comment is given on the following material, for none is needed:
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Yup, totally not entrapment. (For real, though, this could arguably fall under the "ready and willing" clause, and thankfully was never used against Page.)

The CFH team also asks Source 2 to meet with an unnamed member of Trump's campaign staff, (golly gee, I wonder why they'd do that,) and they tell their superiors, who approve, even though FBI policy said they didn't need to, but not the DOJ. They're told by their general counsel that the purpose of this meeting should be only to find out if the person who introduced Papadopoulos and Carter Page, who aren't really known politically, to the Trump campaign, are connected to Russian intelligence, and if they find any politically-sensitive information, they are to destroy it immediately. Luckily, they don't think they find any.

None of the information in this meeting is used in CFH, but the OIG reviews it anyway. They don't think anything they talked about ever made it into or affected the investigation.
 

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I get some of the stuff in brackets, but what the hell is up with the "[o]ne" and "[t]oo" shit? Did the guy just say "un" and "oo" and it's added for context or something?
 
Sorry, I haven't abandoned the thread or finished wrapping this report up yet, but I've been getting slammed by the worst fucking cold/flu/plague that I've had in years. My life has been dominated by the need to chug cough medicine and the will to die.
Did you read my part?
I get some of the stuff in brackets, but what the hell is up with the "[o]ne" and "[t]oo" shit? Did the guy just say "un" and "oo" and it's added for context or something?
The original was capitalized.

In September 2016, Source 2 is tasked with inviting Papadopoulos (Papa) out of the country, supposedly to work on a project relating to oil fields off the coast of Israel.
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I'm sure that's a great use of taxpayer money. And did you ever think about why Papa didn't want to talk with you guys in the States?
 
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So there's even further evidence of the fact that not only was the FISA for Carter Page heavily dependent upon the Steele Dossier, but prior to obtaining the Dossier, they didn't have enough evidence to obtain a warrant. Something incredibly important to keep in mind every time we're talking about the Steele Dossier, too: It was paid for through Fusion GPS, and Fusion GPS was hired by the Clinton campaign.

They love to scream holy Hell (without evidence) about Trump receiving some kind of benefit from Russian Collusion, but how much Hellfire is going to rain down when people come to realize that Richard Nixon got in some serious shit for attempting to spy on his political rivals, but in this instance not only did the spying occur, but it occurred because one party purchased the Steele dossier, and the other party helped to maneuver it through all the proper channels until it could be utilized to obtain illegal FISA warrants.

By the end of this they're going to wish that they were able to compare this to Watergate.
 
Source 2 meets Papa for brunch shortly after, where Papa is offered $3,000 more to write a paper about the geopolitical situation in the Eastern Mediterranean, due three weeks from now (October 7, 2016). Papa says "we have to be wary of the Russians", but Source 2 is worried that Papa is just being deferential. He decides to meet him for drinks before dinner that night.

Papa confides in Source 2 his suspicions that the Israelis are trying to hack his phone. When Source 2 asks Papa whether Trump was involved in the Clinton email leaks, Papa replies:
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Papa offers to set up another meeting when Source 2 is in DC. Source 2 says he's not really interested in working in government.

The CFH team thinks Papa's reply is a canned response and doesn't buy it. They suspect Papa has been coached by his legal team to say it.

And, of course, they don't mention Papa's denial in the FISA application.
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And that's the end of Source 2!

The report goes on to describe another CHS it calls Source 3, who had a few conversations with Papa as well. When Source 3 asks Papa about who did the leaks, Papa says Source 2 asked him the exact same question. He says the conspiracy theory that the Russians did it is just that, a conspiracy theory, and that Trump's campaign didn't do it and he knows that because he's been working with it since before the leaks even happened. Papa also suspects Source 2 will tell the CIA about it.
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Also, do I even need to mention that this wasn't included in the application?
 
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Honestly I could just highlight every single page from 400 to 403 and be like seriously, read this. Anyone in the media trying to claim as if the FBI is completely vindicated and did no wrong is lying right out of their ass. These handful of paragraphs alone are so damning to the Crossfire Hurricane team that it's no wonder that Clinesmith leaked his portions of the OIG report ahead of time. Dude's sprinting as fast as he can to get out ahead of the story before it's too late, but he fucked up bad.
 
Page 299 (PDF page 337):
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Ohr is an idiot, exhibit n. If it's not blatant insubordination, then it's misappropriation of ODAG time/resources.

Still page 299 (PDF page 337):
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But Crowell! When you put it like that, Bruce "Screw the optics" Ohr sounds like a jackass who didn't think any of this through!

Page 301 (PDF page 339):
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Geez, that level of nonchalance is almost funny. You're warning the Deputy Attorney General that there might be a serious incident with the potential to embarrass everyone and tank year-long investigations—not telling him that it's his turn to carpool for beers night. You can't just slip that shit in at the end of an unrelated office visit.

Still page 301 (PDF page 339):
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This is like a fucking comedy bit. For real! All it needs is a laugh track and maybe a pan over to a clutching-his-collar-nervously Ohr.

Again: imagine that these clowns were investigating you on Trumped-up charges. (Forgive the pun, I couldn't resist!)

Page 303 (PDF page 341):
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Ohr gets booted from his ADAG and OCDETF roles. (They went with insubordination over misappropriation, looks like.)

And that's a wrap for Chapter 9!
 
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